Messages and Papers of William McKinley V.2. by William McKinley

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Mindful of this, it was felt to be appropriate that our purposes should
be pronounced in favor of such course as would hasten united action of
the powers at Peking to promote the administrative reforms so greatly
needed for strengthening the Imperial Government and maintaining the
integrity of China, in which we believed the whole western world to be
alike concerned. To these ends I caused to be addressed to the several
powers occupying territory and maintaining spheres of influence in China
the circular proposals of 1899, inviting from them declarations of their
intentions and views as to the desirability of the adoption of measures
insuring the benefits of equality of treatment of all foreign trade
throughout China.

With gratifying unanimity the responses coincided in this common policy,
enabling me to see in the successful termination of these negotiations
proof of the friendly spirit which animates the various powers
interested in the untrammeled development of commerce and industry in
the Chinese Empire as a source of vast benefit to the whole commercial
world.

In this conclusion, which I had the gratification to announce as a
completed engagement to the interested powers on March 20, 1900, I
hopefully discerned a potential factor for the abatement of the distrust
of foreign purposes which for a year past had appeared to inspire the
policy of the Imperial Government, and for the effective exertion by it
of power and authority to quell the critical antiforeign movement in the
northern provinces most immediately influenced by the Manchu sentiment.

Seeking to testify confidence in the willingness and ability of the
Imperial administration to redress the wrongs and prevent the evils we
suffered and feared, the marine guard, which had been sent to Peking in
the autumn of 1899 for the protection of the legation, was withdrawn at
the earliest practicable moment, and all pending questions were
remitted, as far as we were concerned, to the ordinary resorts of
diplomatic intercourse.

The Chinese Government proved, however, unable to check the rising
strength of the Boxers and appeared to be a prey to internal
dissensions. In the unequal contest the antiforeign influences soon
gained the ascendancy under the leadership of Prince Tuan. Organized
armies of Boxers, with which the Imperial forces affiliated, held the
country between Peking and the coast, penetrated into Manchuria up to
the Russian borders, and through their emissaries threatened a like
rising throughout northern China.

Attacks upon foreigners, destruction of their property, and slaughter
of native converts were reported from all sides. The Tsung-li Yamen,
already permeated with hostile sympathies, could make no effective
response to the appeals of the legations. At this critical juncture, in
the early spring of this year, a proposal was made by the other powers
that a combined fleet should be assembled in Chinese waters as a moral
demonstration, under cover of which to exact of the Chinese Government
respect for foreign treaty rights and the suppression of the Boxers.

The United States, while not participating in the joint demonstration,
promptly sent from the Philippines all ships that could be spared for
service on the Chinese coast. A small force of marines was landed at
Taku and sent to Peking for the protection of the American legation.
Other powers took similar action, until some four hundred men were
assembled in the capital as legation guards.

Still the peril increased. The legations reported the development of the
seditious movement in Peking and the need of increased provision for
defense against it. While preparations were in progress for a larger
expedition, to strengthen the legation guards and keep the railway open,
an attempt of the foreign ships to make a landing at Taku was met by a
fire from the Chinese forts. The forts were thereupon shelled by the
foreign vessels, the American admiral taking no part in the attack,
on the ground that we were not at war with China and that a hostile
demonstration might consolidate the anti-foreign elements and strengthen
the Boxers to oppose the relieving column.

Two days later the Taku forts were captured after a sanguinary conflict.
Severance of communication with Peking followed, and a combined force
of additional guards, which was advancing to Peking by the Pei-Ho, was
checked at Langfang. The isolation of the legations was complete.

The siege and the relief of the legations has passed into undying
history. In all the stirring chapter which records the heroism of the
devoted band, clinging to hope in the face of despair, and the undaunted
spirit that led their relievers through battle and suffering to the
goal, it is a memory of which my countrymen may be justly proud that the
honor of our flag was maintained alike in the siege and the rescue, and
that stout American hearts have again set high, in fervent emulation
with true men of other race and language, the indomitable courage that
ever strives for the cause of right and justice.

By June 19 the legations were cut off. An identical note from the Yamen
ordered each minister to leave Peking, under a promised escort, within
twenty-four hours. To gain time they replied, asking prolongation of the
time, which was afterwards granted, and requesting an interview with the
Tsung-li Yamen on the following day. No reply being received, on the
morning of the 20th the German minister, Baron von Ketteler, set out for
the Yamen to obtain a response, and on the way was murdered.

An attempt by the legation guard to recover his body was foiled by the
Chinese. Armed forces turned out against the legations. Their quarters
were surrounded and attacked. The mission compounds were abandoned,
their inmates taking refuge in the British legation, where all the other
legations and guards gathered for more effective defense. Four hundred
persons were crowded in its narrow compass. Two thousand native converts
were assembled in a nearby palace under protection of the foreigners.
Lines of defense were strengthened, trenches dug, barricades raised, and
preparations made to stand a siege, which at once began.

From June 20 until July 17, writes Minister Conger, "there was scarcely
an hour during which there was not firing upon some part of our lines
and into some of the legations, varying from a single shot to a general
and continuous attack along the whole line." Artillery was placed around
the legations and on the over-looking palace walls, and thousands of
3-inch shot and shell were fired, destroying some buildings and damaging
all. So thickly did the balls rain, that, when the ammunition of the
besieged ran low, five quarts of Chinese bullets were gathered in an
hour in one compound and recast.

Attempts were made to burn the legations by setting neighboring houses
on fire, but the flames were successfully fought off, although the
Austrian, Belgian, Italian, and Dutch legations were then and
subsequently burned. With the aid of the native converts, directed by
the missionaries, to whose helpful co-operation Mr. Conger awards
unstinted praise, the British legation was made a veritable fortress.
The British minister, Sir Claude MacDonald, was chosen general commander
of the defense, with the secretary of the American legation, Mr. E.G.
Squiers, as chief of staff.

To save life and ammunition the besieged sparingly returned the
incessant fire of the Chinese soldiery, fighting only to repel attack or
make an occasional successful sortie for strategic advantage, such as
that of fifty-five American, British, and Russian marines led by Captain
Myers, of the United States Marine Corps, which resulted in the capture
of a formidable barricade on the wall that gravely menaced the American
position. It was held to the last, and proved an invaluable acquisition,
because commanding the water gate through which the relief column
entered.

During the siege the defenders lost 65 killed, 135 wounded, and 7 by
disease--the last all children.

On July 14 the besieged had their first communication with the Tsung-li
Yamen, from whom a message came inviting to a conference, which was
declined. Correspondence, however, ensued and a sort of armistice was
agreed upon, which stopped the bombardment and lessened the rifle fire
for a time. Even then no protection whatever was afforded, nor any aid
given, save to send to the legations a small supply of fruit and three
sacks of flour.

Indeed, the only communication had with the Chinese Government related
to the occasional delivery or dispatch of a telegram or to the demands
of the Tsung-li Yamen for the withdrawal of the legations to the coast
under escort. Not only are the protestations of the Chinese Government
that it protected and succored the legations positively contradicted,
but irresistible proof accumulates that the attacks upon them were made
by Imperial troops, regularly uniformed, armed, and officered, belonging
to the command of Jung Lu, the Imperial commander in chief. Decrees
encouraging the Boxers, organizing them under prominent Imperial
officers, provisioning them, and even granting them large sums in the
name of the Empress Dowager, are known to exist. Members of the Tsung-li
Yamen who counseled protection of the foreigners were beheaded. Even in
the distant provinces men suspected of foreign sympathy were put to
death, prominent among these being Chang Yen-hoon, formerly Chinese
minister in Washington.

With the negotiation of the partial armistice of July 14, a proceeding
which was doubtless promoted by the representations of the Chinese envoy
in Washington, the way was opened for the conveyance to Mr. Conger of a
test message sent by the Secretary of State through the kind offices of
Minister Wu Ting-fang. Mr. Conger's reply, dispatched from Peking on
July 18 through the same channel, afforded to the outside world the
first tidings that the inmates of the legations were still alive and
hoping for succor.

This news stimulated the preparations for a joint relief expedition in
numbers sufficient to overcome the resistance which for a month had been
organizing between Taku and the capital. Reinforcements sent by all the
co-operating Governments were constantly arriving. The United States
contingent, hastily assembled from the Philippines or dispatched from
this country, amounted to some 5,000 men, under the able command first
of the lamented Colonel Liscum and afterwards of General Chaffee.

Toward the end of July the movement began. A severe conflict followed at
Tientsin, in which Colonel Liscum was killed. The city was stormed and
partly destroyed. Its capture afforded the base of operations from which
to make the final advance, which began in the first days of August, the
expedition being made up of Japanese, Russian, British, and American
troops at the outset.

Another battle was fought and won at Yangtsun. Thereafter the
disheartened Chinese troops offered little show of resistance. A few
days later the important position of Ho-si-woo was taken. A rapid march
brought the united forces to the populous city of Tung Chow, which
capitulated without a contest.

On August 14 the capital was reached. After a brief conflict beneath
the walls the relief column entered and the legations were saved. The
United States soldiers, sailors, and marines, officers and men alike,
in those distant climes and unusual surroundings, showed the same valor,
discipline, and good conduct and gave proof of the same high degree of
intelligence and efficiency which have distinguished them in every
emergency.

The Imperial family and the Government had fled a few days before.
The city was without visible control. The remaining Imperial soldiery
had made on the night of the 13th a last attempt to exterminate the
besieged, which was gallantly repelled. It fell to the occupying forces
to restore order and organize a provisional administration.

Happily the acute disturbances were confined to the northern provinces.
It is a relief to recall and a pleasure to record the loyal conduct
of the viceroys and local authorities of the southern and eastern
provinces. Their efforts were continuously directed to the pacific
control of the vast populations under their rule and to the scrupulous
observance of foreign treaty rights. At critical moments they did not
hesitate to memorialize the Throne, urging the protection of the
legations, the restoration of communication, and the assertion of the
Imperial authority against the subversive elements. They maintained
excellent relations with the official representatives of foreign powers.
To their kindly disposition is largely due the success of the consuls in
removing many of the missionaries from the interior to places of safety.
In this relation the action of the consuls should be highly commended.
In Shan-tung and eastern Chi-li the task was difficult, but, thanks to
their energy and the cooperation of American and foreign naval
commanders, hundreds of foreigners, including those of other
nationalities than ours, were rescued from imminent peril.

The policy of the United States through all this trying period was
clearly announced and scrupulously carried out. A circular note to the
powers dated July 3 proclaimed our attitude. Treating the condition in
the north as one of virtual anarchy, in which the great provinces of the
south and southeast had no share, we regarded the local authorities in
the latter quarters as representing the Chinese people with whom we
sought to remain in peace and friendship. Our declared aims involved no
war against the Chinese nation. We adhered to the legitimate office of
rescuing the imperiled legation, obtaining redress for wrongs already
suffered, securing wherever possible the safety of American life and
property in China, and preventing a spread of the disorders or their
recurrence.

As was then said, "The policy of the Government of the United States is
to seek a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace to
China, preserve Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect
all rights guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international
law, and safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial
trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire."

Faithful to those professions which, as it proved, reflected the views
and purposes of the other co-operating Governments, all our efforts
have been directed toward ending the anomalous situation in China by
negotiations for a settlement at the earliest possible moment. As soon
as the sacred duty of relieving our legation and its dependents was
accomplished we withdrew from active hostilities, leaving our legation
under an adequate guard in Peking as a channel of negotiation and
settlement--a course adopted by others of the interested powers.
Overtures of the empowered representatives of the Chinese Emperor have
been considerately entertained.

The Russian proposition looking to the restoration of the Imperial power
in Peking has been accepted as in full consonance with our own desires,
for we have held and hold that effective reparation for wrongs suffered
and an enduring settlement that will make their recurrence impossible
can best be brought about under an authority which the Chinese nation
reverences and obeys. While so doing we forego no jot of our undoubted
right to exact exemplary and deterrent punishment of the responsible
authors and abettors of the criminal acts whereby we and other nations
have suffered grievous injury.

For the real culprits, the evil counselors who have misled the Imperial
judgment and diverted the sovereign authority to their own guilty ends,
full expiation becomes imperative within the rational limits of
retributive justice. Regarding this as the initial condition of an
acceptable settlement between China and the powers, I said in my message
of October 18 to the Chinese Emperor:

I trust that negotiations may begin so soon as we and the other offended
Governments shall be effectively satisfied of Your Majesty's ability and
power to treat with just sternness the principal offenders, who are
doubly culpable, not alone toward the foreigners, but toward Your
Majesty, under whose rule the purpose of China to dwell in concord with
the world had hitherto found expression in the welcome and protection
assured to strangers.

Taking, as a point of departure, the Imperial edict appointing Earl Li
Hung Chang and Prince Ching plenipotentiaries to arrange a settlement,
and the edict of September 25, whereby certain high officials were
designated for punishment, this Government has moved, in concert with
the other powers, toward the opening of negotiations, which Mr. Conger,
assisted by Mr. Rockhill, has been authorized to conduct on behalf of
the United States.

General bases of negotiation formulated by the Government of the French
Republic have been accepted with certain reservations as to details,
made necessary by our own circumstances, but, like similar reservations
by other powers, open to discussion in the progress of the negotiations.
The disposition of the Emperor's Government to admit liability for
wrongs done to foreign Governments and their nationals, and to act upon
such additional designation of the guilty persons as the foreign
ministers at Peking may be in a position to make, gives hope of a
complete settlement of all questions involved, assuring foreign rights
of residence and intercourse on terms of equality for all the world.

I regard as one of the essential factors of a durable adjustment the
securement of adequate guarantees for liberty of faith, since insecurity
of those natives who may embrace alien creeds is a scarcely less
effectual assault upon the rights of foreign worship and teaching than
would be the direct invasion thereof.

The matter of indemnity for our wronged citizens is a question of
grave concern. Measured in money alone, a sufficient reparation may
prove to be beyond the ability of China to meet. All the powers concur
in emphatic disclaimers of any purpose of aggrandizement through
the dismemberment of the Empire. I am disposed to think that due
compensation may be made in part by increased guarantees of security
for foreign rights and immunities, and, most important of all, by the
opening of China to the equal commerce of all the world. These views
have been and will be earnestly advocated by our representatives.

The Government of Russia has put forward a suggestion, that in the event
of protracted divergence of views in regard to indemnities the matter
may be relegated to the Court of Arbitration at The Hague. I favorably
incline to this, believing that high tribunal could not fail to reach a
solution no less conducive to the stability and enlarged prosperity of
China itself than immediately beneficial to the powers.

Ratifications of a treaty of extradition with the Argentine Republic
were exchanged on June 2 last.

While the Austro-Hungarian Government has in the many cases that have
been reported of the arrest of our naturalized citizens for alleged
evasion of military service faithfully observed the provisions of the
treaty and released such persons from military obligations, it has in
some instances expelled those whose presence in the community of their
origin was asserted to have a pernicious influence. Representations have
been made against this course whenever its adoption has appeared unduly
onerous.

We have been urgently solicited by Belgium to ratify the International
Convention of June, 1899, amendatory of the previous Convention of 1890
in respect to the regulation of the liquor trade in Africa. Compliance
was necessarily withheld, in the absence of the advice and consent of
the Senate thereto. The principle involved has the cordial sympathy of
this Government, which in the revisionary negotiations advocated more
drastic measures, and I would gladly see its extension, by international
agreement, to the restriction of the liquor traffic with all uncivilized
peoples, especially in the Western Pacific.

A conference will be held at Brussels December 11, 1900, under the
Convention for the protection of industrial property, concluded at
Paris March 20, 1883, to which delegates from this country have been
appointed. Any lessening of the difficulties that our inventors
encounter in obtaining patents abroad for their inventions and that
our farmers, manufacturers, and merchants may have in the protection of
their trade-marks is worthy of careful consideration, and your attention
will be called to the results of the conference at the proper time.

In the interest of expanding trade between this country and South
America, efforts have been made during the past year to conclude
conventions with the southern republics for the enlargement of postal
facilities. Two such agreements, signed with Bolivia on April 24, of
which that establishing the money-order system is undergoing certain
changes suggested by the Post-Office Department, have not yet been
ratified by this Government. A treaty of extradition with that country,
signed on the same day, is before the Senate.

A boundary dispute between Brazil and Bolivia over the territory of Acre
is in a fair way of friendly adjustment, a protocol signed in December,
1899, having agreed on a definite frontier and provided for its
demarcation by a joint commission.

Conditions in Brazil have weighed heavily on our export trade to that
country in marked contrast to the favorable conditions upon which
Brazilian products are admitted into our markets. Urgent representations
have been made to that Government on the subject and some amelioration
has been effected. We rely upon the reciprocal justice and good will of
that Government to assure to us a further improvement in our commercial
relations.

The Convention signed May 24, 1897, for the final settlement of claims
left in abeyance upon the dissolution of the Commission of 1893, was at
length ratified by the Chilean Congress and the supplemental Commission
has been organized.

It remains for the Congress to appropriate for the necessary expenses of
the Commission.

The insurrectionary movement which disturbed Colombia in the latter part
of 1899 has been practically suppressed, although guerrillas still
operate in some departments. The executive power of that Republic
changed hands in August last by the act of Vice-President Marroquin in
assuming the reins of government during the absence of President San
Clemente from the capital. The change met with no serious opposition,
and, following the precedents in such cases, the United States minister
entered into relations with the new _de facto_ Government on
September 17.

It is gratifying to announce that the residual questions between Costa
Rica and Nicaragua growing out of the Award of President Cleveland in
1888 have been adjusted through the choice of an American engineer,
General E.P. Alexander, as umpire to run the disputed line. His task has
been accomplished to the satisfaction of both contestants.

A revolution in the Dominican Republic toward the close of last year
resulted in the installation of President Jimenez, whose Government was
formally recognized in January. Since then final payment has been made
of the American claim in regard to the Ozama bridge.

The year of the exposition has been fruitful in occasions for displaying
the good will that exists between this country and France. This great
competition brought together from every nation the best in natural
productions, industry, science, and the arts, submitted in generous
rivalry to a judgment made all the more searching because of that
rivalry. The extraordinary increase of exportations from this country
during the past three years and the activity with which our inventions
and wares had invaded new markets caused much interest to center upon
the American exhibit, and every encouragement was offered in the way of
space and facilities to permit of its being comprehensive as a whole and
complete in every part.

It was, however, not an easy task to assemble exhibits that could fitly
illustrate our diversified resources and manufactures. Singularly
enough, our national prosperity lessened the incentive to exhibit. The
dealer in raw materials knew that the user must come to him; the great
factories were contented with the phenomenal demand for their output,
not alone at home, but also abroad, where merit had already won a
profitable trade.

Appeals had to be made to the patriotism of exhibitors to induce them
to incur outlays promising no immediate return. This was especially
the case where it became needful to complete an industrial sequence or
illustrate a class of processes. One manufacturer after another had to
be visited and importuned, and at times, after a promise to exhibit in a
particular section had been obtained, it would be withdrawn, owing to
pressure of trade orders, and a new quest would have to be made.

The installation of exhibits, too, encountered many obstacles and
involved unexpected cost. The exposition was far from ready at the date
fixed for its opening. The French transportation lines were congested
with offered freight. Belated goods had to be hastily installed in
unfinished quarters with whatever labor could be obtained in the
prevailing confusion. Nor was the task of the Commission lightened by
the fact that, owing to the scheme of classification adopted, it was
impossible to have the entire exhibit of any one country in the same
building or more than one group of exhibits in the same part of any
building. Our installations were scattered on both sides of the Seine
and in widely remote suburbs of Paris, so that additional assistants
were needed for the work of supervision and arrangement.

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