William Lilly's History of His Life and Times by William Lilly

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During Bradshaw's being President of the Council of State, it was my
happiness to procure Captain Wharton his liberty, which when Bradshaw
understood, said, 'I will be an enemy to Lilly, if ever he come before
me.' Sir Bolstrode Whitlock broke the ice first of all on behalf of
Captain Wharton: after him the Committee, unto whom his offence had been
committed, spoke for him, and said he might well be bailed or enlarged:
I had spoken to the Committee the morning of his delivery, who thereupon
were so civil unto him, especially Sir William Ermin of Lincolnshire,
who at first wondered I appeared not against him; but upon my humble
request, my long continued antagonist was enlarged and had his liberty.

In 1651 I purchased one hundred and ten pounds _per Annum_ in fee-farm
rents for one thousand and thirty pounds. I paid all in ready money; but
when his Majesty King Charles the Second, 1660, was restored, I lost it
all again, and it returned to the right owner; the loss thereof never
afflicted me, for I have ever reduced my mind according to my fortune. I
was drawn in by several persons to make that simple purchase. The year I
bought it, I had my ascendant directed into a Trine of Jupiter first,
and in the same year into the _Cauda Draconis_--my fortune into a
quadrant of Mercury. When Colchester was besieged, John Booker and
myself were sent for, where we encouraged the soldiers, assuring them
the town would very shortly be surrendered, as indeed it was: I would
willingly have obtained leave to enter the town, to have informed Sir
Charles Lucas, whom I well knew, with the condition of affairs as they
then stood, he being deluded by false intelligence: at that time my
scholar Humphreys was therein, who many times deluded the Governor with
expectation of relief; but failing very many times with his lies, at
last he had the bastinado, was put in prison, and inforced to become a
soldier; and well it was he escaped so.--During my being there, the
steeple of St. Mary's Church was much battered by two cannons purposely
placed: I was there one day about three of the clock in the afternoon,
talking with the cannoneer, when presently he desired us to look to
ourselves, for he perceived by his perspective glass there was a piece
charged in the castle against his work, and ready to be discharged. I
ran for haste under an old ash-tree, and immediately the cannon-bullet
came hissing quite over us. 'No danger now,' saith the gunner, 'but
begone, for there are five more charging,' which was true; for two hours
after those cannons were discharged, and unluckily killed our cannoneer
and matross. I came the next morning and saw the blood of the two poor
men lie upon the planks: we were well entertained at the head-quarters,
and after two whole days abiding there, came for London.

But we prosecute our story again, and say that in the year 1652 I
purchased my house and some lands in Hersham, in the parish of Walton
upon Thames, in the county of Surrey, where I now live; intending by the
blessing of God, when I found it convenient, to retire into the country,
there to end my days in peace and tranquillity; for in London my
practice was such, I had none or very little time afforded me to serve
God, who had been so gracious unto me. The purchase of the house and
lands, and buildings, stood me in nine hundred and fifty pounds
sterling, which I have very much augmented.

The Parliament now grows odious unto all good men, the members whereof
became insufferable in their pride, covetousness, self-ends, laziness,
minding nothing but how to enrich themselves. Much heart-burning now
arose betwixt the Presbyterian and Independant, the latter siding with
the army, betwixt whose two judgments there was no medium. Now came up,
or first appeared, that monstrous people called Ranters: and many other
novel opinions, in themselves heretical and scandalous, were
countenanced by members of Parliament, many whereof were of the same
judgment. Justice was neglected, vice countenanced, and all care of the
common good laid aside. Every judgment almost groaned under the heavy
burthen they then suffered; the army neglected; the city of London
scorned; the ministry, especially those who were orthodox and serious,
honest or virtuous, had no countenance; my soul began to loath the very
name of a Parliament, or Parliament-men. There yet remained in the House
very able, judicious, and worthy patriots; but they, by their silence,
only served themselves: all was carried on by a rabble of dunces, who
being the greater number, voted what seemed best to their
non-intelligent fancies.

In this year I published _Annas Tenebrosus_, which book I did not so
entitle, because of the great obscurity of the solar eclipse, by so many
prattled of to no purpose, but because of those underhand and
clandestine counsels held in England by the soldiery, of which I would
never, but in generals, give any knowledge unto any Parliament man. I
had wrote publickly in 1650, that the Parliament should not continue,
but a new government should arise, &c.

In my next year's _Anglicus_, upon rational grounds in astrology, I was
so bold as to aver therein, that the Parliament stood upon a tottering
foundation, and that the commonalty and soldiery would join together
against them.

My _Anglicus_ was for a whole week every day in the Parliament House,
peeped into by the Presbyterians, one disliking this sentence, another
finds another fault, others misliked the whole; so in the end a motion
was made, that _Anglicus_ should be inspected by the Committee for
plundered ministers; which being done, they were to return them to the
House, viz. report its errors.

A messenger attached me by a warrant from that Committee; I had private
notice ere the messenger came, and hasted unto Mr. Speaker Lenthall,
ever my friend. He was exceeding glad to see me, told me what was done;
called for _Anglicus_, marked the passages which tormented the
Presbyterians so highly. I presently sent for Mr. Warren the printer, an
assured Cavalier, obliterated what was most offensive, put in other more
significant words, and desired only to have six amended against next
morning, which very honestly he brought me. I told him my design was to
deny the book found fault with, to own only the six books. I told him, I
doubted he would be examined. 'Hang them,' said he, 'they are all
rogues. I'll swear myself to the devil ere they shall have an advantage
against you by my oath.'

The day after, I appeared before the Committee, being thirty-six in
number that day; whereas it was observed, at other times, it was very
difficult to get five of them together. At first they shewed me the true
_Anglicus_, and asked if I wrote and printed it. I took the book and
inspected it very heedfully; and when I had done so, said thus:

'This is none of my book, some malicious Presbyterian hath wrote it, who
are my mortal enemies; I disown it.' The Committee looked upon one
another like distracted men, not imagining what I presently did; for I
presently pulled out of my pocket six books, and said, 'These I own, the
others are counterfeits, published purposely to ruin me.' The Committee
were now more vexed than before: not one word was spoke a good while; at
last, many of them, or the greatest number of them, were of opinion to
imprison me. Some were for Newgate, others for the Gate-House; but then
one Brown of Sussex, called the Presbyterian beadle, whom the Company of
Stationers had bribed to be my friend, by giving him a new _Book of
Martyrs_; he, I say, preached unto the Committee this doctrine, that
neither Newgate or the Gate-House were prisons unto which at any time
the Parliament sent their prisoners: it was most convenient for the
Serjeant at Arms to take me in custody.

Mr. Strickland, who had for many years been the Parliament's Ambassador
or Agent in Holland, when he saw how they inclined, spoke thus:

'I came purposely into the Committee this day to see the man who is so
famous in those parts where I have so long continued: I assure you his
name is famous all over Europe: I come to do him justice. A book is
produced by us, and said to be his; he denies it; we have not proved it,
yet will commit him. Truly this is great injustice. It is likely he will
write next year, and acquaint the whole world with our injustice; and so
well he may. It is my opinion, first to prove the book to be his, ere he
be committed.'

Another old friend of mine, Mr. R. spoke thus:

'You do not know the many services this man hath done for the Parliament
these many years, or how many times, in our greatest distresses, we
applying unto him, he hath refreshed our languishing expectations; he
never failed us of comfort in our most unhappy distresses. I assure you
his writings have kept up the spirits both of the soldiery, the honest
people of this nation, and many of us Parliament men; and now at last,
for a slip of his pen (if it were his) to be thus violent against him: I
must tell you, I fear the consequence urged out of the book will prove
effectually true. It is my counsel, to admonish him hereafter to be more
wary, and for the present to dismiss him.'

Notwithstanding any thing that was spoken on my behalf, I was ordered to
stand committed to the Serjeant at Arms. The messenger attached my
person, said I was his prisoner. As he was carrying me away, he was
called to bring me again. Oliver Cromwell, Lieutenant-General of the
army, having never seen me, caused me to be produced again, where he
stedfastly beheld me for a good space, and then I went with the
messenger; but instantly a young clerk of that Committee asks the
messenger what he did with me, where's the warrant? until that is signed
you cannot seize Mr. Lilly, or shall. Will you have an action of false
imprisonment against you? So I escaped that night, but next day obeyed
the warrant. That night Oliver Cromwell went to Mr. R. my friend, and
said, 'What never a man to take Lilly's cause in hand but yourself? None
to take his part but you? He shall not be long there.' Hugh Peters spoke
much in my behalf to the Committee; but they were resolved to lodge me
in the Serjeant's custody. One Millington, a drunken member, was much my
enemy; and so was Cawley and Chichester, a deformed fellow, unto whom I
had done several courtesies.

First thirteen days I was a prisoner; and though every day of the
Committee's sitting I had a petition to deliver, yet so many churlish
Presbyterians still appeared, I could not get it accepted. The last day
of the thirteen, Mr. Joseph Ash was made Chairman, unto whom my cause
being related, he took my petition, and said I should be bailed in
despite of them all, but desired I would procure as many friends as I
could to be there. Sir Arthur Hazelrigg, and Major Salloway, a person of
excellent parts, appeared for me, and many now of my old friends came
in. After two whole hours arguing of my cause by Sir Arthur and Major
Salloway, and other friends, the matter came to this point; I should be
bailed, and a Committee nominated to examine the printer. The order of
the Committee being brought afterwards to him who should be Chairman, he
sent me word, do what I would, he would see all the knaves hanged, ere
he would examine the printer. This is the truth of the story.

The 16th of February 1655, my second wife died; for whose death I shed
no tears. I had five hundred pounds with her as a portion, but she and
her poor relations spent me one thousand pounds. _Gloria Patri, & Filio,
& Spiritui Sancto: sicut erat in principio & nunc, & semper, & in saecula
saeculorum_: for the 20th of April 1655, these enemies of mine, viz.
Parliament men, were turned out of doors by Oliver Cromwell. A German
doctor of physick being then in London, sent me this paper:

_Strophe Alcaica: Generoso Domino Gulielmo Lillio Astrologo, de
dissoluto nuper Parliamento_.

Quod calculasti Sydere praevio,
Miles peregit numine conscio;
Gentis videmus nunc Senatum
Marte togaque gravi levatum.

In the time of my imprisonment, Mr. Rushworth came to visit me, and told
me, the army would do as much as I had predicted unto the Parliament.

In October 1654, I married the third wife, who is signified in my
nativity by _Jupiter in Libra_; and she is so totally in her conditions,
to my great comfort.

In 1655, I was indicted at Hicks's-Hall by a half-witted young woman.
Three several sessions she was neglected, and the Jury cast forth her
bill; but the fourth time, they found it against me: I put in bail to
traverse the indictment. The cause of the indictment was, for that I had
given judgment upon stolen goods, and received two shillings and
six-pence.--And this was said to be contrary unto an Act in King James's
time made.

This mad woman was put upon this action against me by two ministers, who
had framed for her a very ingenious speech, which she could speak
without book, as she did the day of hearing the traverse. She produced
one woman, who told the court, a son of her's was run from her; that
being in much affliction of mind for her loss, she repaired unto me to
know what was become of him; that I told her he was gone for the
Barbadoes, and she would hear of him within thirteen days; which, she
said, she did.

A second woman made oath, that her husband being wanting two years, she
repaired to me for advice: that I told her he was in Ireland, and would
be at home such a time; and, said she, he did come home accordingly.

I owned the taking of half a crown for my judgment of the theft; but
said, I gave no other judgment, but that the goods would not be
recovered, being that was all which was required of me: the party,
before that, having been with several astrologers, some affirming she
should have her goods again, others gave contrary judgment, which made
her come unto me for a final resolution.

At last my enemy began her before-made speech, and, without the least
stumbling, pronounced it before the court; which ended, she had some
queries put unto her, and then I spoke for myself, and produced my own
_Introduction_ into court, saying, that I had some years before emitted
that book for the benefit of this and other nations; that it was allowed
by authority, and had found good acceptance in both universities; that
the study of astrology was lawful, and not contradicted by any
scripture; that I neither had, or ever did, use any charms, sorceries,
or inchantments related in the bill of indictment, &c.

She then related, that she had been several times with me, and that
afterwards she could not rest a-nights, but was troubled with bears,
lions, and tygers, &c. My counsel was the Recorder Green, who after he
had answered all objections, concluded astrology was a lawful art.

'Mistress,' said he, 'what colour was those beasts that you were so
terrified with?'

'I never saw any,' said she.

'How do you then know they were lions, tygers, or bears?' replied
he.--'This is an idle person, only fit for Bedlam.' The Jury who went
not from the bar, brought in, No true Bill.

There were many Presbyterian Justices much for her, and especially one
Roberts, a busy fellow for the Parliament, who after his Majesty came
in, had like to have lost life and fortune.

I had procured Justice Hooker to be there, who was the oracle of all the
Justices of Peace in Middlesex.

There was nothing memorable after that happened unto me, until 1650, and
the month of October, at what time Captain Owen Cox brought me over from
his Majesty of Sweden, a gold chain and medal, worth about fifty pounds;
the cause whereof was, that in the year 1657 and 1658, I had made
honourable mention of him: the _Anglicus_ of 1658 being translated into
the language spoke at Hamburgh, printed and cried about the streets, as
it is in London.

The occasion of my writing so honourably of his Majesty of Sweden was
this: Sir Bolstrode Whitlock, Knight, upon the very time of Oliver's
being made Protector, having made very noble articles betwixt Christina
then Queen of Sweden, and the English nation, was in his being at
Stockholm visited frequently by Charles Gustavus, unto whom Christina
resigned during his abode, and used with all manner of civility by him,
insomuch as some other Ambassadors took it ill, that they had not so
much respect or equal: unto which he would reply, he would be kind where
himself did find just cause of merit unto any. He were a great lover of
our nation; but there were some other causes also moving my pen to be so
liberal, viz. The great hopes I had of his prevailing, and of taking
Copenhagen and Elsinore, which, if he had lived, was hoped he might have
accomplished; and had assuredly done, if Oliver the Protector had not so
untimely died ere our fleet of ships returned; for Oliver sent the fleet
on purpose to fight the Dutch; but dying, and the Parliament being
restored, Sir Henry Vane, who afterwards was beheaded, had order from
the Council of State to give order to the fleet what to do now Oliver
was dead, and themselves restored. Vane, out of state-policy, gave the
Earl of Sandwich direction not to fight the Dutch. Captain Symons, who
carried those letters, swore unto me, had he known the letters he
carried had contained any such prohibition, he would have sunk both ship
and letters. Oliver said, when the fleet was to go forth, 'That if God
blessed his Majesty of Sweden with Copenhagen, the English were to have
Elsinore as their share; which if once I have,' saith Oliver, 'the
English shall have the whole trade of the Baltick Sea: I will make the
Dutch find another passage, except they will pay such customs as I shall
impose.' Considering the advantages this would have been to our English,
who can blame my pen for being liberal, thereby to have encouraged our
famous and noble seamen, or for writing so honourably of the Swedish
nation, who had most courteously treated my best of friends, Sir
Bolstrode Whitlock, and by whose means, had the design taken effect, the
English nation had been made happy with the most beneficial concern of
all Christendom. I shall conclude about Oliver the then Protector, with
whom obliquely I had transactions by his son-in-law, Mr. Cleypool; and
to speak truly of him, he sent one that waited upon him in his chamber,
once in two or three days, to hear how it fared with me in my sessions
business; but I never had of him, directly or indirectly, either
pension, or any the least sum of money, or any gratuity during his whole
Protectorship; this I protest to be true, by the name and in the name of
the most holy God.

In 1653, before the dissolution of the Parliament, and that ere they had
chosen any for their Ambassador into Sweden, Mr. Cleypool came unto me,
demanding of me whom I thought fittest to send upon that embassy into
Sweden: I nominated Sir B. Whitlock, who was chosen, and two or three
days after Mr. Cleypool came again: 'I hope, Mr. Lilly, my father hath
now pleased you: Your friend Sir B. Whitlock is to go for Sweden.' But
since I have mentioned Oliver Cromwell, I will relate something of him,
which perhaps no other pen can, or will mention. He was born of generous
parents in Huntingdonshire, educated some time at the university of
Cambridge: in his youth was wholly given to debauchery, quarrelling,
drinking, &c. _quid non_; having by those means wasted his patrimony, he
was enforced to bethink himself of leaving England, and go to
New-England: he had hired a passage in a ship, but ere she launched out
for her voyage, a kinsman dieth, leaving him a considerable fortune;
upon which he returns, pays his debts, became affected to religion; is
elected in 1640 a member of Parliament, in 1642 made a Captain of horse
under Sir Philip Stapleton, fought at Edge-Hill; after he was made a
Colonel, then Lieutenant-General to the Earl of Manchester, who was one
of the three Generals to fight the Earl of Newcastle and Prince Rupert
at York: Ferdinando Lord Fairfax, and Earl Leven the Scot, were the
other two for the Parliament: the last two thinking all had been lost at
Marston-Moor fight, Fairfax went into Cawood Castle, giving all for
lost: at twelve at night there came word of the Parliament's victory;
Fairfax being then laid down upon a bed, there was not a candle in the
castle, nor any fire: up riseth Lord Fairfax, procures after some time,
paper, ink, and candle, writes to Hull, and other garrisons of the
Parliament's, of the success, and then slept.

Leven the Scot asked the way to Tweed: the honour of that day's fight
was given to Manchester, Sir Thomas Fairfax's brigade of horse, and
Oliver Cromwell's iron sides; for Cromwell's horse, in those times,
usually wore head-pieces, back and breast-plates of iron. After this
victory Cromwell became gracious with the House of Commons, especially
the Zealots, or Presbyterians, with whom at that time he especially
joined; the name Independent, at that time, viz. 1644, being not so much
spoken of.

There was some animosity at or before the fight, betwixt the Earl of
Newcastle and Prince Rupert; for Newcastle being General of his
Majesty's forces in the North, a person of valour, and well esteemed in
those parts, took it not well to have a competitor in his concernments;
for if the victory should fall on his Majesty's side, Prince Rupert's
forces would attribute it unto their own General, viz. Rupert, and give
him the glory thereof: but that it happened, Prince Rupert, in that
day's fight, engaged the Parliament's forces too soon, and before the
Earl of Newcastle could well come out of York with his army; by reason
whereof, though Rupert had absolutely routed the Scots and the Lord
Fairfax's forces; yet ere timely assistance could second his army, Sir
Thomas Fairfax and Cromwell had put him to flight, and not long after
all Newcastle's army. A most memorable action happened on that day.
There was one entire regiment of foot belonging to Newcastle, called the
Lambs, because they were all new cloathed in white woollen cloth, two or
three days before the fight. This sole regiment, after the day was lost,
having got into a small parcel of ground ditched in, and not of easy
access of horse, would take no quarter; and by mere valour, for one
whole hour, kept the troops of horse from entering amongst them at near
push of pike: when the horse did enter, they would have no quarter, but
fought it out till there was not thirty of them living; those whose hap
it was to be beaten down upon the ground as the troopers came near them,
though they could not rise for their wounds, yet were so desperate as to
get either a pike or sword, or piece of them, and to gore the troopers'
horses as they came over them, or passed by them. Captain Camby, then a
trooper under Cromwell, and an actor, who was the third or fourth man
that entered amongst them, protested, he never in all the fights he was
in, met with such resolute brave fellows, or whom he pitied so much, and
said, 'he saved two or three against their wills.'

After the fight, Manchester marched slowly southward, &c. but at last
came with his army to Newbury fight; which ended, he came for London,
and there he accuseth Cromwell, being his Lieutenant, to the Parliament,
of disobedience, and not obeying his orders.

The House of Commons acquaint Cromwell herewith, and charge him, as he
would answer it before God, that the day following he should give them a
full account of Manchester's proceedings, and the cause and occasion of
their difference, and of the reasons why Manchester did not timely move
westward for the relief of Essex, then in the west, who was absolutely
routed, inforced to fly, all his foot taken, and all his ordnance and
train of artillery, only the horse escaping. Cromwell the next day gave
this account to Mr. Speaker in the House of Commons--by way of
recrimination.

That after God had given them a successful victory at Marston over the
King's forces, and that they had well refreshed their army, Manchester,
by their order, did move southward, but with such slowness, that
sometimes he would not march for three days together; sometimes he would
lie still one day, then two days; whereupon he said, considering the
Earl of Essex was in the west, with what success he then knew not, he
moved Manchester several times to quicken his march to the west, for
relief of Essex, if he were beaten, or to divert the King's forces from
following of Essex; but he said Manchester still refused to make any
haste; and that one day he said, 'If any man but yourself, Lieutenant,
should so frequently trouble me, I would call him before a Council of
War. We have beaten the King's forces in the north; if we should do so
in the west, his Majesty is then undone: he hath many sons living; if
any of them come to the Crown, as they well may, they will never forget
us.' This Major Hammond, a man of honour, will justify as well as
myself. After which he marched not at all, until he had order from the
Committee to hasten westward, by reason of Essex's being lost in
Cornwall, which then he did; and at Newbury fight, it is true, I refused
to obey his directions and order: for this it was; his Majesty's horse
being betwixt four and five thousand in a large common, in good order,
he commands me, Mr. Speaker, to charge them; we having no way to come at
them but through a narrow lane, where not above three horse could march
abreast; whereby had I followed his order, we had been all cut off ere
we could have got into any order. Mr. Speaker, (and then he wept; which
he could do _toties quoties_) I, considering that all the visible army
you then had, was by this counsel in danger to be lost, refused thus to
endanger the main strength, which now most of all consisted of those
horse under my command, &c.--This his recrimination was well accepted by
the House of Commons, who thereupon, and from that time, thought there
was none of the House of Lords very fit to be entrusted with their
future armies, but had then thoughts of making a commoner their General;
which afterwards they did, and elected Sir Thomas Fairfax their General,
and Cromwell Lieutenant-General; but it was next spring first. Upon
Essex's being lost in Cornwall, I heard Serjeant Maynard say, 'If now
the King haste to London we are undone, having no army to resist him.'

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