The Awakening of China by W.A.P. Martin

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The Manchus had been preparing for some generations for a descent
on China. They had never forgotten that half the Empire had once
been in the possession of their forefathers, the Kin Tartars; and
after one or two abortive attempts to recover their heritage they
settled themselves at Mukden and watched their opportunity. It
came with the fall of the Mings.

Wu San-kwei, a Chinese general whose duty it was to keep them in
bounds, threw open the gate of the Great Wall and invoked their
assistance to expel the successful rebel. His family had been
slaughtered in the fall of the capital; he thirsted for revenge,
and without doubt indulged the hope of founding a dynasty. The
Manchus agreed to his terms, and, combining their forces with his,
advanced on Peking. Feeling himself unable to hold the city, the
rebel chief burnt
[Page 141]
his palace and retreated, after enjoying the imperial dignity ten
days.

General Wu offered to pay off his mercenaries and asked them to
retire beyond the Wall. Smiling at his simplicity, they coolly
replied that it was for him to retire or to enter their service.
It was the old story of the ass and the stag. An ass easily drove
a stag from his pasture-ground by taking a man on his back; but the
man remained in the saddle. Forced to submit, the General employed
his forces to bring his people into subjection to their hereditary
enemy. Rewarded with princely rank, and shielded by the reigning
house, he has escaped the infamy which he deserved at the hands of
the historians. A traitor to his country, he was also a traitor to
his new masters. He died in a vain attempt at counter-revolution.

The new dynasty began with Shunchi, a child of six years, his uncle
the Prince Hwai acting as regent. Able and devoted, this great
man, whom the Manchus call Amawang, acquitted himself of his task
in a manner worthy of the model regent, the Duke of Chou. His task
was not an easy one. He had to suppress contending factions, to
conciliate a hostile populace, and to capture many cities which
refused to submit. In seven years he effected the subjugation of
the eighteen provinces, everywhere imposing the tonsure and the
"pigtail" as badges of subjection. Many a myriad of the Chinese
forfeited their heads by refusing to sacrifice their glossy locks;
but the conquest was speedy, and possession secure.

The success of the Manchus was largely due to the fact that they
found the empire exhausted by internal
[Page 142]
strife and came as deliverers. The odium of overturning the Ming
dynasty did not rest on them. While at Mukden they had cultivated
the language and letters of the "Inner land" and they had before
them, for guidance or warning, the history of former conquests.

They have improved on their predecessors, whether Kins or Mongols;
and with all their faults they have given to China a better government
than any of her native dynasties.

Shunchi (1644-1662) passed off the stage at the age of twenty-four
and left the throne to a son, Kanghi (1662-1723), who became the
greatest monarch in the history of the Empire. During his long reign
of sixty-one years, Kanghi maintained order in his wide domain,
corrected abuses in administration, and promoted education for both
nationalities. It is notable that the most complete dictionary
of the Chinese language bears the imprimatur of Kanghi, a Tartar
sovereign.

For his fame in the foreign world, Kanghi is largely indebted to
the learned missionaries who enjoyed his patronage, though he took
care to distinguish between them and their religion. The latter had
been proscribed by the regents, who exercised supreme power during
his minority. Their decree was never revoked; and persecution went on
in the provinces, without the least interference from the Emperor.
Still his patronage of missionaries was not without influence on
the status of Christianity in his dominions. It gained ground, and
before the close of his reign it had a following of over three hundred
thousand converts. Near the close of his reign he pointedly condemned
[Page 143]
the foreign faith, and commanded the expulsion of its propagators,
except a few, who were required in the Board of Astronomy.

The favourable impression made by Ricci had been deepened by Schaal
and Verbiest. The former under Shunchi reformed the calendar and
obtained the presidency of the Astronomical Board. He also cast
cannon to aid the Manchu conquest. The latter did both for Kanghi,
and filled the same high post. Schaal employed his influence to
procure the building of two churches in Peking. Verbiest made use of
his to spread the faith in the provinces. The Church might perhaps
have gained a complete victory, had not dissensions arisen within her
own ranks. Dominicans and Franciscans entering the field denounced
their forerunners for having tolerated heathen rites and accepted
heathen names for God. After prolonged discussions and contradictory
decrees the final verdict went against the Jesuits. In this decision
the Holy See seems not to have been guided by infallible wisdom.

Kanghi, whose opinion had been requested by the Jesuits, asserted
that by _Tien_ and _Shang-ti_ the Chinese mean the Ruler
of the Universe, and that the worship of Confucius and of ancestors
is not idolatry, but a state or family ceremony. By deciding against
his views, the Pope committed the blunder of alienating a great
monarch, who might have been won by a liberal policy. The prohibition
of the cult of ancestors--less objectionable in itself than the
worship of saints--had the effect of arming every household against
a faith that aimed to subvert their family altars. The dethronement
of _Shang-ti_ (a name accepted by
[Page 144]
most Protestant missionaries) and the substitution of _Tien Chu_,
could not fail to shock the best feelings of devout people. _Tien
Chu_, if not a new coinage, was given by papal fiat an artificial
value, equivalent to "Lord of all"--whereas it had previously headed
a list of divisional deities, such as Lord of Heaven, Lord of Earth,
Lord of the Sea, etc.

What wonder that for two centuries Christianity continued to be a
prohibited creed! The ground thus lost by a papal blunder it has
never regained. The acceptance of _Tien_ and _Shang-ti_
by Protestants might perhaps do something to retrieve the situation,
if backed by some form of respect for ancestors.

Kanghi was succeeded by his son Yungcheng (1722-1736), who was
followed by Kienlung (1736-1796), during whose reign the dynasty
reached the acme of splendour. Under Kienlung, Turkestan was added to
the empire. The Grand Lama of Tibet was also enrolled as a feudatory;
but he never accepted the laws of China, and no doubt considered
himself repaid by spiritual homage. No territory has since been
added, and none lost, if we except the cession of Formosa to Japan
and of Hong Kong to Great Britain. The cessions of seaports to
other powers are considered as temporary leases.

After a magnificent reign of sixty years, Kienlung abdicated in
favour of his fifth son, Kiak'ing, for the whimsical reason that
he did not wish to reign longer than his grandfather. In Chinese
eyes this was sublime. Why did they not enact a law that no man
should surpass the longevity of his father?

As to Kiak'ing, who occupied the throne for twenty-four
[Page 145]
years, weak and dissolute is a summary of his character.

The next four reigns came under the influence of new forces. They
belong to the era of transformation, and may properly be reserved
for Part III.

[Page 147]
PART III

CHINA IN TRANSFORMATION

[Page 149]
CHAPTER XXVII

THE OPENING OF CHINA, A DRAMA IN FIVE ACTS--GOD IN HISTORY

_Prologue--Act 1, the Opium War--(Note on the Taiping Rebellion)--Act
2, the "Arrow" War--Act 3, War with France--Act 4, War with Japan--Act
5, the Boxer War_

PROLOGUE

If one were asked to name the most important three events that took
place in Asia in the last century, he could have no hesitation in
pointing to the extension of the Indian Empire and the renovation
of Japan as two of them. But where would he look for the third?
Possibly to some upheaval in Turkey, Persia, or Asiatic Russia.
In my opinion, however, China is the only country whose history
supplies the solution of the problem. The opening of that colossal
empire to unrestricted intercourse with other countries was not
a gradual evolution from within--it was the result of a series
of collisions between the conservatism of the extreme Orient and
the progressive spirit of the Western world.

Each of those collisions culminated in a war, giving rise to a
cloud of ephemeral literature, in which a student might easily lose
his way, and which it would
[Page 150]
require the lifetime of an antediluvian to exhaust. I think, therefore,
that I shall do my readers a service if I set before them a concise
outline of each of those wars, together with an account of its causes
and consequences. Not only will this put them on their guard against
misleading statements; it will also furnish them with a syllabus of
the modern history of China in relation to her intercourse with
other nations.

During the past seven decades the Chinese Empire has been no less
than five times in conflict with foreign powers; and on each occasion
her policy has undergone a modification more or less extensive.
Taking these five conflicts seriatim--without touching on those
internal commotions whose rise and fall resembles the tides of
the ocean--I shall ask my readers to think of the Flowery Land as
a stage on which, within the memory of men now living, a tragedy
in five acts has been performed. Its subject was the Opening of
China; and its first act was the so-called Opium War (1839-42).
Prior to 1839 the Central Empire, as the Chinese proudly call their
country, with a population nearly equal to that of Europe and America
combined, was hermetically sealed against foreign intercourse,
except at one point, viz., the "Factories" at Canton.

This state of things is depicted with a few masterstrokes in a popular
work in Chinese entitled "Strange Stories of an Idle Student." The
first of these tales describes a traveller meeting in the mountains
an old man, in the costume of a former dynasty, whose family had
there sought a refuge from the anarchy that preceded the fall of
the imperial house. This
[Page 151]
old fellow had not even heard of the accession of the Manchu conquerors;
and though he was eager for information, he disappeared without
giving any clue to the Sleepy Hollow in which he was hiding. The
author no doubt intended a quiet satire on the seclusion of China,
that had nothing to ask of the outside world but to be let alone.

Another of the sketches, which is no satire, but a cautionary
hint--perhaps an unconscious prophecy--is entitled "The Magic Carpet
of the Red-haired," a vulgar designation for Europeans, in contrast
with the Chinese, who style themselves the "Black-haired race."
During the former dynasty, it says, a ship arrived from some unknown
country, and those aboard desired to engage in commerce. Their
request was refused; but when they asked permission to dry their
goods on shore, requiring for that purpose no more ground than
they could cover with a carpet, their petition was readily granted.
The carpet was spread, and the goods were exposed to the sun; then,
taking the carpet by its four corners, they stretched it so that
it covered several acres. A large body of armed men then planted
themselves on it, and striking out in every direction took possession
of the country. This elastic carpet reminds one of Dido's bull's
hide, which covered space enough for the foundation of Carthage.

ACT 1. THE OPIUM WAR, 1839-1842

The Tartars, who began their conquest in 1644, were naturally suspicious
of other foreigners who had secured a foothold in India, where the
Great Mogul, a scion
[Page 152]
of their own race, still held nominal sway. The trading-posts,
which the Chinese emperors had permitted foreigners to open as
far north as Ningpo, were closed, and only one point of tangency
was allowed to remain--the above-mentioned Factories at Canton, a
spot, as we shall see, large enough to admit of the spreading of
a "magic carpet." Foreign trade was at that time insignificant, in
comparison with the enormous expansion which it has now attained.
It was mainly in the hands of the British, as it still continues to
be; and no small part of it consisted in opium from the poppy-fields
of India. Though under the ban of prohibition, this drug was smuggled
into every bay and inlet, with scarcely a pretence of concealment.
With the introduction of the vicious opium habit the British had
nothing to do; but they contrived to turn it to good account.

The Emperor Tao Kwang, moved, it is said, by the unhappy fate of
one of his sons who had fallen a victim to the seductive poison,
resolved at all hazards to put a stop to a traffic so ruinous to
his people. Commissioner Lin, a native of Foochow, was transferred
from the viceroyalty of Wuchang to that of Canton and clothed with
plenary powers for the execution of this decree. To understand the
manner in which he undertook to execute the will of his master
it must be remembered that diplomatic intercourse had as yet no
existence in China, because she considered herself as sustaining
to foreign nations no other relation than that of a suzerain to
a vassal. Her mandarins scorned to hold direct communication with
any of the superintendents of foreign commerce--receiving
[Page 153]
petitions and sending mandates through the hong merchants, thirteen
native firms which had purchased a monopoly of foreign trade.

In 1834 Lord Napier was appointed to the humble position of
superintendent of British trade in China, He arrived at Macao on
July 15 of that year, and announced his appointment by a letter to
the prefect, which was handed for transmission to the commander of
the city gate of Canton--a barrier which no foreigner was permitted
to pass. The letter was returned through the brokers without any
answer other than a line on the cover informing the "barbarian
eye" (consul) that the document was "tossed back" because it was
not superscribed with the character _pin_ (or _ping_),
which signifies a "humble petition."

This was the beginning of sorrows for China as well as for poor
Napier, who, failing in his efforts to communicate with the mandarins
on equal terms, retired to the Portuguese settlement of Macao and
died of disappointment. The eminent American statesman, John Quincy
Adams, speaking in later years of the war that ensued, declared
that its cause was not opium but a _pin_, i. e., an insolent
assumption of superiority on the part of China.

The irrepressible conflict provoked by these indignities was
precipitated in 1839 by the action of the new viceroy, who undertook
to effect a summary suppression of the traffic in opium. One morning
shortly after his arrival, the foreigners at Canton, who were always
locked up at night for their own safety, awoke to find themselves
surrounded by a body of soldiers and threatened with indiscriminate
[Page 154]
slaughter unless they surrendered the obnoxious drug, stored on
their opium hulks, at an anchorage outside the harbour.

While they were debating as to what action to take, Captain Charles
Elliot, the new superintendent, came up from Macao and bravely insisted
on sharing the duress of his countrymen. Calling the merchants
together he requested them to surrender their opium to him, to be
used in the service of the Queen as a ransom for the lives of her
subjects, assuring them that Her Majesty's Government would take
care that they should be properly indemnified. Twenty thousand
chests of opium were handed over to the viceroy (who destroyed the
drug by mixing it with quicklime in huge vats); and the prisoners
were set at liberty.

The viceroy fondly imagined that the incident was closed, and flattered
himself that he had gained an easier victory than he could have done
by sending his junks against the armed ships of the smugglers.
Little did he suspect that he had lighted a slow-match, that would
blow up the walls of his own fortress and place the throne itself
at the mercy of the "barbarian."

A strong force was despatched to China to exact an indemnity, for
which the honour of the Crown had been pledged, and to punish the
Chinese for the cut-throat fashion in which they had sought to
suppress a prohibited trade. The proud city of Canton averted a
bombardment by paying a ransom of $6,000,000; islands and seaports
were occupied by British troops as far north as the River Yang-tse; and
Nanking, the ancient capital, was only saved from falling into their
[Page 155]
hands by the acceptance of such conditions of peace as Sir Henry
Pottinger saw fit to impose.

Those conditions were astonishingly moderate for a conqueror who,
unembarrassed by the interests of other powers, might have taken
the whole empire. They were, besides payment for the destroyed
drug, the opening of five ports to British trade, and the cession
to Great Britain of Hong Kong, a rocky islet which was then the
abode of fishermen and pirates, but which to-day claims to outrank
all the seaports of the world in the amount of its tonnage. Not
a word, be it noted, about opening up the vast interior, not a
syllable in favour of legalising the opium traffic, or tolerating
Christianity.

So much for the charge that this war, which bears a malodorous
name, was waged for the purpose of compelling China to submit to the
continuance of an immoral traffic. That a smuggling trade would go
on with impunity was no doubt foreseen and reckoned on by interested
parties; but it is morally certain that if the Chinese had understood
how to deal with it they might have rid themselves of the incubus
without provoking the discharge of another shot.

Here ends the first act, in 1842; and in it I may claim a personal
interest from the fact that my attention was first turned to China
as a mission field by the boom of British cannon in the Opium War.

China was not opened; but five gates were set ajar against her
will. For that she has to thank the pride and ignorance of emperor
and viceroy which betrayed them into the blunder of dealing with
British merchants as a policeman deals with pickpockets. For the first
[Page 156]
time in her history she was made aware of the existence of nations
with which she would have to communicate on a footing of equality.

The moderation and forbearance of Pottinger in refraining from
demanding larger concessions, and in leaving the full consequences
of this war to be unfolded by the progress of time, may fairly
challenge comparison with the politic procedure of Commodore Perry
in dealing with Japan in 1854. One may ask, too, would Japan have
come to terms so readily if she had not seen her huge neighbour
bowing to superior force?

* * * * *

An important consequence of the Opium War was the outbreak of rebellions
in different parts of the Empire. The prestige of the Tartars was
in the dust. Hitherto deemed invincible, they had been beaten by a
handful of foreigners. Was not this a sure sign that their divine
commission had been withdrawn by the Court of Heaven? If so, might
it not be possible to wrest the sceptre from their feeble grasp,
and emancipate the Chinese race?

Private ambition was kindled at the prospect, and patriotism was
invoked to induce the people to make common cause. Three parties
entered the field: the Tai-pings of the South, the "Red-haired" on
the seacoast, and the Nienfi in the north. Neither of the latter
two deserves notice; but the first-named made for themselves a
place in history which one is
[Page 157]
not at liberty to ignore, even if their story were less romantic
than it is. It will be convenient to introduce here the following
note on the Tai-ping rebellion.

THE TAI-PING REBELLION

In 1847 a young man of good education and pleasing manners, named
Hung Siu-tsuen, presented himself at the American Baptist mission in
Canton, saying he had seen their sacred book and desired instruction.
This he received from the Rev. Issachar Roberts; and he was duly
enrolled as a catechumen. Without receiving the sealing ordinance,
or taking his instructor into confidence, Siu-tsuen returned to his
home at Hwa-hien and began to propagate his new creed. His talents
and zeal won adherents, whom he organised into a society called
_Shang-ti-hwui_, "the Church of the supreme God." Persecution
transformed it into a political party, to which multitudes were
attracted by a variety of motives.

Following the early Church, in the absence of any modern model, his
converts expected and received spiritual gifts. Shall we describe
such manifestations as hysteria, hypnotism, or hypocrisy? Their
fanaticism was contagious, especially after their flight to the
mountains of Kwangsi. There Siu-tsuen boldly raised the flag of
rebellion and proclaimed that he had a divine call to restore the
throne to the Chinese race, and to deliver the people from the curse
of idolatry. In this twofold crusade he was ably seconded by one
Yang, who possessed all the qualities of a successful hierophant.
Shrewd and calculating, Yang was able
[Page 158]
at will to bring on cataleptic fits, during which his utterances
passed for the words of the Holy Ghost.

The new empire which they were trying to establish, they called
_Tai-ping Tien-kwoh_, "The Kingdom of Heaven and the reign
of peace." Hung was emperor, to be saluted with _Wansue!_
(Japanese, _Banzai!_) "10,000 years!" Yang as prince-premier
was saluted with "9,000 years," nine-tenths of a banzai. He was
the medium of communication with the Court of Heaven; and all their
greater movements were made by command of Shang-ti, the Supreme
Ruler.

On one occasion Yang went into a trance and declared that Shang-ti
was displeased by something done by his chief, and required the
latter to receive a castigation on his naked shoulders. The chief
submitted, whether from credulity or from policy it might not be
easy to say; but thereby the faith of his followers seems to have
been confirmed rather than shaken. Nor did Yang take advantage
of his chief's disgrace to usurp his place or to treat him as a
puppet.

Through Yang it was revealed that they were to leave their mountain
fortress and strike for Nanking, which had been made the capital on
the expulsion of the Mongols, and which was destined to enjoy the
same dignity on the overthrow of the Manchus. That programme, one of
unexampled daring, was promptly put into execution. Descending into
the plains of Hunan, like a mountain torrent they swept everything
before them and began their march towards the central stronghold
fifteen hundred miles distant. Striking the "Great River" at Hankow,
they pillaged
[Page 159]
the three rich cities Wuchang, Hanyang, and Hankow, and, seizing
all the junks, committed themselves to its current without a doubt
as to the issue of their voyage.

Nanking was carried by assault despite the alleged impregnability
of its ramparts, and despite also a garrison of 25,000 Manchus.
These last must have fought with the fury of despair; for they
well knew what fate awaited them. Not one was spared to tell the
tale--this was in 1853. There the Tai-pings held their ground for
ten years; and it is safe to affirm that without the aid of foreign
missionaries they never would have been dislodged.

The second part of their enterprise--the expulsion of the Manchus
from Peking--ended in defeat. A strong detachment was sent north
by way of the Grand Canal. At first they met with great success--no
town or city was able to check their progress, which resembled
Napoleon's invasion of Russia. At the beginning of winter they
were met by a strong force under the Mongol prince Sengkolinsin;
then came the more dreaded generals--January and February. Unable
to make headway, they went into winter quarters, and committed
the blunder of dividing themselves between two towns, where they
were besieged and cut off in detail.

In the meantime the eyes of the world were turned toward Nanking.
Ships of war were sent to reconnoitre and Consul T. T. Meadows,
who accompanied the _Hermes_, made a report full of sympathy;
but the failure of their expedition to the north deterred the nation
from any formal recognition of the Tai-ping government.

[Page 160]
Missionaries were attracted by their profession of Christianity.
Among others, I made an unsuccessful attempt to reach them. Unable
to induce my boatmen to run the blockade, I returned home and took
up the pen in their defence. My letters were well received, but they
did not prevent soldiers of fortune, like the American Frederick
G. Ward and Colonel Gordon of the British army, throwing their
swords into the scale.

Two Sabbatarians hearing that the rebels observed Saturday for
their day of rest, posted off to confirm them in that ancient usage.
Learning at an outpost that the seeming agreement with their own
practice grew out of a mistake in reckoning, they did not continue
their journey.

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