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Constructive Imperialism by Viscount Milner

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Many people look askance, and justly look askance, at the interference
of the State in anything so complicated and technical as a schedule of
wages for any particular industry. But the point to bear in mind is
this, that the wages, which under this proposal would be enforceable
by law, would be wages that had been fixed for a particular industry
in a particular district by persons intimately cognisant with all the
circumstances, and, more than that, by persons having the deepest
common interest to avoid anything which could injure the industry. The
rates of remuneration so arrived at would be based on the
consideration of what the employers could afford to pay and yet retain
such a reasonable rate of profit as would lead to their remaining in
the industry. Such a regulation of wages would be as great a
protection to the best employers against the cut-throat competition of
unscrupulous rivals as it would be to the workers against being
compelled to sell their labour for less than its value. There is
plenty of evidence that the regulation of wages would be welcomed by
many employers. And as for the fear sometimes expressed, that it would
injure the weakest and least efficient workers, because, with
increased wages, it would no longer be profitable to employ them, it
must be borne in mind that people of that class are mainly home
workers, and as remuneration for home work must be based on the piece,
there would be no reason why they should not continue to be employed.
No doubt they would not benefit as much as more efficient workers from
increased rates, but _pro tanto_ they would still benefit, and that is
a consideration of great importance. But even if this were not the
case, I would still contend, that it was unjustifiable to allow
thousands of people to remain in a preventable state of misery and
degradation all their lives, merely in order to keep a tenth of their
number out of the workhouse a few years longer.

I have only one more word to say. I come back to the supreme interest
of the community in the efficiency and welfare of all its members, to
say nothing of the removal of the stain upon its honour and conscience
which continued tolerance of this evil involves. That to my mind is
the greatest consideration of all. That is the true reason, as it
would be the sufficient justification, for the intervention of the
State. And, or my own part, I feel no doubt that, whether by the
adoption of such a measure as we have been considering, or by some
other enactment, steps will before long be taken for the removal of
this national disgrace.



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The Fundamental Fallacies of Free Trade

By L.S. AMERY

(FELLOW OF ALL SOULS COLLEGE, OXFORD)

_Price 2s. net._


These "Four Addresses on the Logical Groundwork of the Free Trade
Theory," as they are described by the author on the title-page, are
nothing less than a frontal attack on the dogmas of the Manchester
School, as sacrificing the permanent interests of the nation to the
ephemeral interests of the individual. They are bound on account of
their originality and ability to provoke considerable controversy, and
to compel the Cobdenites to make some attempt at an answer. The
chapters are successively entitled "The Individualist Fallacy," "The
Capitalist Fallacy," "The Trade Fallacy," and "Free Trade Psychology
and Free Trade History."

This is essentially a book to be read, marked, learned, and inwardly
digested by all serious students of public affairs.


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