Continental Monthly Volume 1 Issue 3 by Various

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It should also be borne in mind that the most direct causes of our
sufferings all involve very practical benefits. The Southern press
taunts our soldiers with enlisting for pay. Let us admit that vast
numbers have truly been partially induced by the want of employment at
home to enter the army. It is a peculiar characteristic of all Northern
blood that it can and does combine intelligence and interest with the
strongest enthusiasm. No man was ever made a worse soldier by being
prudent, any more than by being a religious Christian. Taunts and jeers
can not affect the truth. The Protestant mechanic soldiery of Germany
during the wars of the Reformation, the men of Holland, and the Puritans
of England, were all reviled for the same cause--but they conquered. God
never punishes men for common-sense, nor did it ever yet blind zeal,
though it may prevent zeal from degenerating into sheer madness. The
war, while it has crippled industry, has also kept it alive,--it has
become a great industrial central force, giving work to millions. Again,
in the creation of a debt we shall find such a stimulus to industry as
we never before knew. Taxation, which kills a weak country crippled by
feudal laws and nightmared by an extravagant court and nobility, simply
induces fresh and vigorous effort to make additional profits in a land
of endless resources and of vast territory, where every man is free to
work at what he chooses. Taxation may come before us like a raging lion,
but, in the words of BEECHER, we shall find honey in the carcass. Let us
only cheerfully make the best of everything, and uphold the
administration and the war with a right good will, and we shall learn as
we never did before the extent of the incredible elasticity and
recuperative power of the American.

It is evident that the present war will have a beneficial result in
making us acquainted with the real nature of this arrogant and peculiar
South-land. It was said that the Crimean struggle did much good by
dispelling the cloudy hobgoblin mystery which hung over Russia, and,
while it destroyed its prestige as a bugbear, more than compensated for
this, by giving it a proper place abreast of civilized nations in the
great march of industry and progress. Just so we are learning that the
South is perfectly capable of receiving white labor, that it is not
strangely and peculiarly different from the rest of the cis-tropical
regions, that the negro is no more its necessity than he is to Spain or
Italy, and that, in short, white labor may march in, undisturbed, so
soon as industry ceases to be regarded as disgraceful in it. We have
learned the vital necessity of union and identity of feeling between all
the States, and found out the folly of suffering petty local state
attachments to blind us to the glory of citizenship in a nation, which
should cover a continent. We have learned what the boasted philanthropy
of England is worth when put to the test of sacrifice, and also how the
British lion can put forth the sharpest and most venomous of feline
claws when an opportunity presents itself of ruining a possible rival.
More than this, we have learned to be self-reliant, to take greater and
more elevated views of political duty, and to be heroic without being
extravagant. Since we were a republic no one year has witnessed such
national and social progress among us as the past. We have had severe
struggles, and we have surmounted them; we have had hard lessons, and we
have learned them; we have had trials of pride, and we have profited by
them. And as we contend for principles based in reason and humanity and
confirmed by history, it follows that we must inevitably come forth
gloriously triumphant, if we but bravely persevere in enforcing those
principles.

The large amount of political information regarding the South and its
resources which has been of late widely disseminated in the North, is a
striking proof that, disguise the question as we will, the extension of
free labor is, from a politico-economical point of view (which is, in
fact, the only sound one), the real, or at least ultimate basis of this
struggle. The matter in hand is the restitution of the Union, laying
everything else aside; but the great fact, which will not step aside, is
the consideration whether ten white men or one negro are to occupy a
certain amount of soil. There is no evading this finality, there is no
impropriety in its discussion, and it SHALL be discussed, so long as
free speech or a free pen is left in the North. So far from interfering
with the war, it is a stimulus to the thousands of soldiers who hope
eventually to settle in the South in districts where their labor will
not be compared with that of 'slaves,' and it is right and fit that they
should anticipate the great and inevitable truth in all its relations to
their own welfare and that of the country.

We cheerfully agree with those who try with so much energy that
Emancipation is not the matter in hand, and quite as cheerfully assent
when they insist that the enemy, and not the negro, demands all our
present energy. But this has nothing to do with the great question,
whether slavery is or is not to ultimately remain as a great barrier to
free labor in regions where free labor is clamoring for admission. That
is all we ask, nothing more. The instant the North and West are assured
that at some time, though remote, and by any means or encouragements
whatever, which expediency may dictate, the great cause of secession and
sedition--will be removed from our land, then there will be witnessed an
enthusiasm compared to which that of the South will be but lukewarm.
That this will be done, no rational person now doubts, or that
government will cheerfully act on it so soon as the fortunes of war or
the united voice of the people strengthen it in the good work. And until
it _is_ done, let every intelligent freeman bear it in mind, thinking
intelligently and acting earnestly, so that the great work may be
advanced rapidly and carried out profitably and triumphantly.

The leading minds of the South, shrewder than our Northern
anti-emancipation half traitors and whole dough-faces, foreseeing the
inevitable success of ultimate emancipation, have given many signs of
willingness to employ even it, if needs must be, as a means of
effectually achieving their 'independence.' They have baited their hooks
with it to fish for European aid--they have threatened it armed, as a
last resort of desperation, if conquered by the North. Knowing as well
as we that the days of slavery are numbered, they have used it as a
pretense for separation, they would just as willingly destroy it to
maintain that separation. Since the war began, projects of home
manufactures, and other schemes involving the encouragement of free
labor, have been largely discussed in the South,--and yet in spite of
this, thousands among us violently oppose Emancipation. In plain,
truthful words they uphold the ostensible platform of the enemy, and yet
avow themselves friends of the Union.

We have said it before, we repeat it: we ask for no undue haste, no
unwise measures, nothing calculated to irritate or disorganize or impede
the measures which government may now have in hand. But we hold firmly
that Emancipation be calmly regarded as a measure which _must_ at some
time be fully carried out. Be it limited for the time, or for years, to
the Border States, be it assumed partially or entirely under the
modified form of apprenticeship, be it proclaimed only in Texas or South
Carolina, it has in some way a claim to recognition, and _must_ be
recognized. Its friends are too many to be ignored in the day of
settlement.

* * * * *

It is proper that every detail of contract corruption should be brought
fully to light, and the country owes a debt of gratitude to Mr. DAWES
for his manly attack on the wretches who have crippled the war, robbed
the soldier, swindled the tax-payers, and aided the enemy by their
wicked rapacity. Let it be remembered that whatever his sentiments may
have been, every man who has been instrumental, directly or indirectly,
in cheating the treasury and the my during this period of distress, has
been one of its enemies, and far more deadly than if he had been openly
enlisted under the banners of JEFFERSON DAVIS. Were we anything but the
best-natured and most enduring public in the world, such revelations as
have by the been made would long since have driven these rapacious
traitors beyond sea or into the congenial Dixie for which they have
indirectly labored.

We have been accustomed to read much since infancy of the sufferings of
our army during the Revolution,--how they were hatless, ragged, starved,
and badly armed. We have shuddered at the pictures of the snow at Valley
Forge, tracked by the blood from the feet of shoeless soldiers. Yet, in
the year 1861, with abundant means and with all the sympathy and aid of
a wealthy country, there has been more suffering in the army than the
Revolution witnessed, and it was due in a great measure to men who
hastened to the spoil like vultures to their prey. If the army has not
in advanced, if proper weapons are not even yet ready, let the reader
reflect how much the army is still crippled owing to imperfect supplies,
and have patience.

It is not the soldier alone who has been robbed by the contractor. The
manufacturer who sees only a government order between himself and
failure, and who is willing to do anything to keep his operatives
employed, is asked to supply inferior goods at a low price. He may take
the order or leave it,--if he will not, another will,--and with it is
expected to take the risk of a return. When a man sees ruin before him,
he will often yield to such temptations. The contractor takes the goods,
sells them if he can, and pockets the profits, sometimes ten times over
what the manufacturer gains. He thereby robs outright, not only the
soldier, but also the operatives who make the goods, since the
manufacturer must reduce their wages to the lowest living point, in
order to save himself.

It will all come to light. There is a discovery of all evil, and there
is a grace which money cannot remove, neither from the thief nor from
his children. And we rejoice to see that so much is being made known,
and that in all probability the public will be fully informed as to who
were principally guilty in these enormous and treasonable corruptions.

* * * * *

It is stated, on good authority, that the only objection urged by the
President to adopting the policy of Emancipation, is the danger which
would be thereby incurred of effectually losing the allegiance of the
loyal slave-holders in Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri.

The obvious answer to this is, that by paying these loyal slave-holders
for their chattels they could not fail to become firmer friends than
ever. When we reflect on the extremely precarious tenure of all such
property on the Border it becomes apparent that the man must be a
lunatic indeed to hope for the permanency of the institution in the
tobacco States. Since the war began nearly the two-thirds of the slaves
in Missouri have changed their _habitat_,--about one-half of the number
having been 'sold South,' while the other moiety have traveled North,
without reference to ownership.

The administration need be under no apprehension as to the popularity of
this measure. It would be hailed with joy by millions. The capitalists
of our Northern cities, who now await with impatience some indications
of A REGULAR POLICY, will welcome with enthusiasm a proposition which
would at once render the debatable land no longer debatable, and which
would effectually disorganize the entire South, by rendering numbers
desirous of selling their slaves in order to secure what must sooner or
later be irrecoverably lost. If government has a policy in this matter,
it is time that the public were informed of it. The public is ready to
be taxed to any extent, it is making tremendous sacrifices; all that it
asks in return is some nucleus around which it may gather,--a settled
principle by which its victories in war may be made to form the basis of
a permanent peace.

* * * * *

The English press, statesmen and orators have been pleased to regard our
democratic government as a failure.

But we have at least one advantage. When an enormous wrong is
perpetrated on the people by a secretary, _he can be hustled out of the
way_, and the accomplices be punished.

In England we have seen of late the most enormous political and social
outrage of the century coolly committed, without the slightest regard to
consequences, and without the slightest fear of any punishment whatever.

The truth has come to light, and every investigation, in the opinion of
the ablest and most sagacious men, confirms the assertion that the late
MASON and SLIDELL difficulty was simply an immense stock-jobbing
swindle, played in the most heartless manner on this country and on
England, without heed as to the terrible consequences.

The London _Times_, as is well known, is the organ of the ROTHSCHILDS.
During the late iniquitous war-flurry it acted perfectly in concert with
Lord PALMERSTON. While that gentleman kept back _for three weeks_
dispatches, which, if published, would have had the immediate effect of
establishing a peaceful feeling, his Hebrew accomplices bought literally
right and left of securities of every kind. Grand pickings they had;
everything had tumbled down. England was roused by the _Times_ to a
fury; a feeling of fierce injury was excited in this country, which an
age will not now allay; and right in the midst of this, when one word
might have changed the whole, the official ministerial organ _explicitly
denied the existence of those 'peace' dispatches_ which have since come
to light!

Let us anticipate some of the results of this precious
Palmerston-Hebrew-_Times_ swindle.

It has cost England twenty millions of dollars.

It has aroused such a feeling in this country against England as no one
can remember.

It has effectually killed the American market for English goods, and put
the tariff up to prohibition _en permanence_.

It has, by doing this, struck the most deadly blow at English prosperity
which history has ever witnessed; for all that was needed to stimulate
American industry up to the pitch of competing with England in foreign
markets was such a prohibitory tariff as would compel us to manufacture
for ourselves what we formerly bought.

Who will say now that a republic does not work as well as a monarchy?

* * * * *

We have read with pleasure a recently written and extensively
republished article by SINCLAIR TOUSEY, of New York, condemnatory of the
proposed stamp tax, and in which we most cordially concur; not because
it is a tax materially affecting the interests of publishers, but
because, as Mr. TOUSEY asserts, the diffusion of knowledge among the
people is a powerful element of strength _in government itself_. In
these times, it is essential, far more than during peace, that the
newspaper should circulate very freely, stimulating the public, aiding
government and the war, and keeping the mind of the country in living
union. Nothing would more rapidly produce a torpor--and there is too
much torpor now--than a measure which would have the effect of killing
off perhaps one half of the country press, the great mass of which is
barely able to live as it is. 'Let the press be as free as possible. Let
it be free from onerous taxation, and left unfettered by special duties
to do its just work.' This is a war for freedom, and the test of freedom
is a free press.

* * * * *

We are indebted to a valued correspondent in Illinois for the following
communication, setting forth the state of affairs in Southern Missouri
during the past summer. Few of our readers are ignorant that since that
time the region in question has been 'harried and shorn' even to
desolation by the brigands of Secessia.

In conversing lately with Dr. R., who fled for his life, last
July, from Ripley County, Southern Missouri, I collected some
information which may not be unacceptable to your readers.

Dr. R. states that early last summer the citizens of Southern
Missouri began gathering into companies of armed men opposed to
the general government, and that it was a fear that the general
government would not protect their lives and property which
induced great numbers of really Union men to take sides with the
rebels. They saw their country thronging with secession soldiers;
were told it was the will of the State government that they enlist
for the protection of the State: if they did not do this
voluntarily, they would be drafted; and all drafted ones would in
camp take a subordinate position, have to perform the cooking and
washing, in short, all the drudgery for those who volunteered.
This falsehood drove hundreds of the ignorant Missourians into the
rebel ranks. Captain LOWE, afterwards Col. LOWE, who was killed at
the battle of Fredericktown, was the recruiting officer in Ripley
and its adjoining counties. He arrested Dr. R. on the 4th of July,
on a charge of expressing sentiments 'dangerous to the welfare of
the community.' Dr. R. was tried by a court-martial, in presence
of the three hundred soldiers then assembled. Witnesses against
the Doctor were produced, but he was not allowed time to summon
witnesses in his behalf, nor to procure counsel. One novel
circumstance in the trial was occasioned by the absence of any
justice of the peace to administer the usual oath to the
witnesses. None were procurable, from the fact that all had
resigned, refusing to act officially under a government they had
repudiated. In this dilemma the prisoner came to their relief.
'Gentlemen, I am a justice of the peace, as most of you already
know, and, as I have not yet resigned, I will swear in the
witnesses for you.' 'Wall, I reckon he kin act as justice afore
he's convicted,' suggested one of the crowd. So the Doctor
administered the oath in the usual solemn manner. This
self-possession and fearlessness seemed to have an effect on his
judges, for, after the testimony, he was permitted to
cross-question the witnesses and plead his own cause. He was able
to neutralize some of the charges against him. The jury, after an
absence of fifteen minutes, returned verdict that 'as there was
nothing proved against the prisoner which would make him dangerous
to the community, he was permitted to be discharged. But,' added
the foreman, 'I am instructed by the committee to say they believe
Dr. R. to be a Black Republican, and to tell him that if he wants
to utter Black Republican sentiments, he has got to go somewhere
else to do it.' It was well known the Doctor had voted for
DOUGLAS. But here followed an animated conversation between the
prisoner and LOWE'S men as to what constituted Black
Republicanism; the result of which was, as the Doctor turned to
depart, Captain LOWE informed him he was re-arrested!

By the influence of some of the soldiers, the prisoner succeeded
next day in effecting his escape. Traveling by night and
concealing himself by day, he finally reached the federal lines in
safety. His family were not permitted to follow him, and did not
succeed in eluding the vigilance of their enemies and joining him
until the middle of January. When a Union man escapes them, the
rebels are always opposed to the removal of his wife and children,
as, by retaining them, they hope to get the husband and father
again into their hands. And, as all communication by letter is cut
off, many a man, during the last six months, has stolen back to
see his family at the risk of his life, and lost it.

Dr. R. was the first man arrested in Ripley County; but LOWE
immediately began a lively persecution of suspected Unionists.
Some escaped with life, their enemies being satisfied with
scourging and plundering them, but scores were hung. LOWE'S
soldiers furnished and equipped themselves by robbing Union houses
and the country stores.

Many suspected Union men shielded themselves by denouncing others,
giving information of the property of others, and being forward in
insulting and quartering lawless soldiers upon defenceless
families. So that, Dr. R. states, there are created between
neighbors, all through that section, feuds which will never cease
to exist. Many a man has suffered family wrongs from his neighbor
which he thirsts to go back to revenge, which he swears yet to
revenge, and which he feels nothing but the blood of the offender
can revenge! And should peace be declared to-morrow, a social war
would still exist in Missouri!

People dwelling in the free States, where the schoolhouse is not
abolished, where the laws still live and restrain, can have no
conception of the state of society where the whole community has
returned suddenly to savage life; a life wherein the reaction from
a former restraint renders the viciously disposed far more
intensely barbarous than his red brother of the plain.

LOWE'S men, and all similarly recruited by order of ex-Governor
JACKSON, remained in service six months, and were to be paid in
State scrip. But as that was worthless, they never received
anything in rations, clothing, or money, but what they plundered
from their fellow-citizens. Many of these state rights soldiers
have since enlisted in the Confederate army; but Confederate paper
being fifty per cent. below par, and not rising, the legitimate
pay of the Southern soldier is likely to be small.

In Northern Arkansas, all males between fifteen and forty-five
years of age have been ordered to be ready for the Confederate
service when called upon. This has caused a fear of failure in
next year's crops from scarcity of men in that section. There is
great suffering among them now. Salt rose to $25 a sack. The
authorities prohibited the holders from charging more than $12,
the present price. Pins are $1.50 per paper; jeans $5 per yard;
and everything else in proportion.

One word in comment. Every additional fact of the deplorable
condition of things in the slave States is an additional reason
why the North should firmly meet the cause of this misery. If the
North should have the manhood to strike a blow at slavery _now_,
still a generation must pass before harmony would ensue; but if
the North _evades and dallies_, scores of generations must live
and die before America sees unbroken peace again.

* * * * *

While the war goes on, the contrabands go off. A writer in the Norfolk
_Day Book_ complains that slaves are escaping from that city in great
numbers, asserting that they get away through the instrumentality of
_secret societies_ in Norfolk, which hold their meetings weekly, and in
open day. No one can doubt that this war is clearing the Border of its
black chattels in double-quick time. Why not strike boldly, and secure
it by offering to pay all its loyal slave-holders for their property? Of
one thing, let the country rest assured--the friends of Emancipation
will not brook much longer delay. It MUST and SHALL be carried
through,--_and we are strong enough to do it_.

* * * * *

Thurlow Weed grows apace, and occasionally writes a good thing from
London--as, for instance, in the following:--

At breakfast, a few days since, a distinguished member of
Parliament, who has been much in America, remarked, with emphasis,
that he had formerly entertained a high opinion of 'JUDGE LYNCH,'
looking with much favor upon that species of impromptu
jurisprudence known as 'Lynch law,' but since it failed to hang
FLOYD, COBB and THOMPSON, of BUCHANAN'S cabinet, he had ignored
and was disgusted with the system.

What would the distinguished member have said had he been familiar with
the Catiline steamer case, the mysteries of shoddy contracts, the
outfitting of the Burnside expedition, and innumerable other
rascalities? The gentleman was right,--Lynch law has proved a failure;
and, if we err not, another kind of law has of late months been not very
far behind it in inefficiency. Our Southern foes have at least one noble
trait--they hang their rascals.

* * * * *

'_Non dum_,' 'not yet,' was the motto of a great king, who, when the
time came, shook Europe with his victories. 'Not yet,' says the
Christian, struggling through trial and temptation towards the peace
which passeth understanding and a heavenly crown. 'Not yet,' says the
brave reformer, fighting through lies and petty malice, and all the
meanness of foes lying in wait, ere he can convince the world that he is
in the right. 'Not yet,' says the soldier, as he marches his weary
round, waiting to be relieved, and musing on the battle and the war for
which he has pledged his life and his honor--and they are a world to
_him_. 'Not yet,' says every great man and woman, laying hands to every
noble task in time, which is to roll onward in result into eternity.
Wait, wait, thou active soul,--even in thy most vigorous activity let
thy work be one of waiting, and of great patience in thy fiercest toil.
There will come a day of triumph, when the fresh wind will banish the
heat, and fan the laurel on thy brow. Such is the true moral of the
following lyric:--

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