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Chambers's Edinburgh Journal, No. 424, New Series, February 14, 1852 by Various

V >> Various >> Chambers\'s Edinburgh Journal, No. 424, New Series, February 14, 1852

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But amid these captivating _salons_ and congenial occupations, what
had become of the apostle of popular music? He was not asleep; only
digesting and preparing a system which should, by its simplicity and
clearness, bring scientific music within the reach of the humblest as
well as the highest classes of society. At last it was matured, and
the working-classes were invited to come and test it--gratuitously of
course. A few accepted the invitation; but their success and delight
in the new art thus opened up to them, was so great, that the 'two or
three' pioneers soon swelled into an army of 3000 _ouvriers_! But a
band of 3000 workmen in Paris was considered dangerous: it could not
be credited that they met merely for social improvement and
relaxation; some political design must surely lurk under it:
government was alarmed, the police threatened; and it was left to
Mainzer's choice either to remain in Paris without his artisan
classes, or to seek elsewhere a field for his popular labours. He
decided at once on the latter alternative, and departed for England,
amidst the heartfelt regrets of those whom he had attached so strongly
to himself, while he inculcated peace, order, and every social virtue.
On his revisiting Paris long after, his old pupils serenaded him
unmolested; and in 1849, the Institute of France voluntarily placed
his name on their list for the membership vacant by the death of
Donizetti; yet he would not accept the proposal of a later French
government to return and establish his system: he preferred the
freedom of action which he enjoyed in Britain.

In London, a period of arduous labour commenced. Mainzer arrived
without patronage, without the _prestige_ that his name had earned
abroad, and, what was a greater drawback, without any knowledge of
English! But, nothing daunted, with his usual energy he set about the
task of acquiring the language, which he did in an incredibly short
time--commencing, like a child, by naming all familiar objects, and
going on, until, without perplexing himself with rules or their
exceptions, he had acquired facility enough to lecture in public. His
work on _Music and Education_ shows with what force and purity of
style he could afterwards write in English. It was the same
principle--that of commencing with practice and letting theory
follow--which he carried out in his system of 'Singing for the
Million.' He argued, that as children learn to speak before they can
read or construct language grammatically, so they ought to be taught
vocal music in such a way as to introduce the rules of harmony
gradually, and prepare them for the manipulation of an instrument, if
it is intended they should learn one; while for the great masses of
both children and adults, _the voice_ is the best and only instrument,
and one that can be trained, with _very few exceptions_, to take part
in choral, if not in solo singing, and at the same time be made a
powerful and pleasing agent in moral culture. On this subject, we
shall quote Dr Mainzer's own words, when speaking of the compositions
introduced into his classes, he says: 'Besides religious compositions,
there are others, which refer to the Creator, by calling attention to
the beauty and grandeur of his works. Songs, shewing in a few touching
lines the wondrous instinct of the sparrow, the ant, the bee, and
cultivating a feeling of respect for all nature's children. Besides
these, there are songs intended to promote social and domestic
virtues--order, cleanliness, humility, contentment, unity, temperance,
etc.; thus impressing, not the letter of the law of charity on
immature minds, but the spirit of it in the memory, and so identifying
them with the very fibres of the heart.'

With such views and principles, Mainzer arrived in England, to
propagate his humanising art; and London soon became the centre of a
series of lectures and classes, held in the principal towns accessible
by railway--such as Brighton, Oxford, Reading, etc. But this divided
work was not satisfactory, and the national schools and popular field
in London were preoccupied by Hullah, who had some time previously
introduced Wilhem's system, under the sanction of government. There
was room and to spare, however, for every system, and Mainzer wished
every man good-speed who advanced the cause; but as a fresh field for
his own exertions, after two years spent in England, he turned his
thoughts towards Edinburgh, where he had been invited by requisition,
and warmly received in 1842.

On his return to Scotland, he found his cause somewhat damaged in his
absence, by the attempt of precentors to teach his system in
congregational classes. Unlike the church-organists of England, the
Scotch precentors are not educated musicians--a naturally good voice
and ear is their only pre-requisite. Dr Mainzer soon repaired this
mistake in those congregations which invited his personal
superintendence; and in one church (Free St Andrew's) the good effects
of his system are still to be heard, in a congregation forming their
own choir, and singing in _four parts_.

To restore this country to the standard of musical eminence which we
know from old authorities that it held in the sixteenth century, was
the object of Dr Mainzer's energetic endeavours. The elements, he
believed, were not wanting. In Scotland, the musical capacity of the
people he found to be above rather than below the average of other
nations: all that was wanting was to convince the people of this by
the cultivation of their neglected powers. As a preliminary step, he
excited those friendly to the object to found the 'Association for the
Revival of Sacred Music in Scotland,' of which he was the director and
moving spring; and under its auspices he commenced a course of
_gratuitous_ teaching to classes formed of pupils from the parish and
district schools of Edinburgh, precentors, teachers, and operatives.
The success of these normal classes was so great and so rapid, that at
the end of the first year the pupils were able to become teachers in
their turn in their own schools or homes; and at the close of the
second and third sessions, concerts and rural fetes were held, at
which many hundreds of young voices joined in giving true and powerful
expression to such works of the great masters as _Judas Maccabaeus_;
while for the delight of their parents' firesides, and their own moral
improvement, the children carried home with them those simple but
touching and expressive melodies, composed by Mainzer for their use.
At the same time, Mr Mainzer carried on classes for the upper ranks,
especially for young children; gave lectures on the history of music
from the earliest times and in all countries; and published a talented
work on _Music and Education_, of which very favourable reviews
appeared at the time.[1] Mainzer had a peculiar predilection for
Scotland: its scenery, its history, its music, all supplied food for
his various tastes. With a poetic appreciation of the beauties of
nature, he desired no greater pleasure than to wander in perfect
freedom among our lochs and hills; and his descriptions of Edinburgh,
the Highlands, and Western Islands, which appeared in the _Augsburg
Gazette_, have brought some and inspired more with the wish to visit
the Switzerland of Britain. The history and music of Scotland threw
fresh light upon each other under his researches. He delighted to
trace the reciprocal influence of national events and national music,
from the time of the Culdee establishments of the sixth century, when
'Iona was the Rome of the north,' down to the _Covenanter's Lament_,
and the Jacobite songs of the last century. Since these days, the
spirit that invented and handed down popular song has passed away with
the national and clannish feuds which gave rise to the gathering song
and the lament. The age of peace has been heralded in by the songs of
Burns and Lady Nairne, the authoress of _The Land o' the Leal_, who
has done much to restore the taste for our beautiful old melodies, by
wedding them to pure and appropriate verse.[2]

In such pursuits, Mainzer--by this time dubbed doctor by a German
university--passed five years very pleasantly, but, in a worldly point
of view, very unprofitably. He had failed on first coming to Edinburgh
in obtaining the musical chair, which seemed so appropriate a niche
for him; and however reluctant to leave his favourite normal classes
and his adopted home, still when he looked to the future, he was
compelled to think of leaving Edinburgh--for the German proverb still
held true: 'Kunst geht nach brod;' and if man cannot live by bread
_alone_, neither can the artist live _without_ bread! At this
juncture, the Chevalier Neukomm, of European celebrity as a composer
and organist, and a valued friend of Dr Mainzer, came to Edinburgh to
inspect his friend's normal classes. He was so much delighted with
them, and considered Dr Mainzer so little appreciated by the general
public, that he persuaded him to try Manchester as his future field of
exertion.

In the autumn of 1848, accordingly, Neukomm introduced Mainzer to the
leading men of that city, who received him so cordially, that he at
once took his proper position, and entered on a career both useful and
profitable, and which continued to be increasingly successful, until
at Christmas 1850, he was laid aside by ill-health. Over-exertion had
brought on a complication of diseases, to which he was a martyr for
ten months, and which terminated fatally on the 10th November 1851.
During that long period of intense suffering, his active mind was
never clouded nor repining, and at every interval of comparative ease,
he read or listened to reading with avidity. During the first months
of his illness, he superintended the publication of a new musical
work, called _The Orpheon_, two numbers of which appeared; and his
last exertion in this way was arranging two songs: _The Sigh_ of
Charles Swain, and Longfellow's _Footsteps of Angels_, adapted to
Weber's last song. Prophetic requiems both!

A few weeks after his death, the hall which had been built in
Edinburgh for the classes of the Association which he founded, was
opened by an amateur concert given as a tribute to his memory. He had
promised to preside on this occasion; but his place was filled by his
aged, but still vigorous friend, the Chevalier Neukomm, who had come
to Edinburgh, at the request of the Association, to compose a series
of psalms, one of which was sung by the pupils. Music for the Psalms,
_adapted to the varying meaning of each verse_, has hitherto been a
desideratum in the musical world; now being supplied in Chevalier
Neukomm's work, and already subscribed for by no mean judges--the
Queen and Prince Albert, the king of Prussia, &c. It was touching, and
yet gratifying, to see one of Dr Mainzer's oft-cherished hopes
realised for the first time that evening--that of the _musical union_
of accomplished amateurs of private life with the pupils of the normal
classes.

Having thus briefly traced Dr Mainzer's life, it now remains to offer
a few remarks on his general character. His talents were of a
diversified and high order; and those who knew him only as the author
of 'Singing for the Million,' were not aware of his general
cultivation of mind. In the dead and living languages, he was equally
at home: now he would be speculating on the formation of the Greek
chorus, and again mastering some dialect of modern Europe, in order to
elucidate the history of the people or their music and poetry. His
literary articles were sought after by all the leading journals in
Germany and Paris; and his volumes of _Sketches of Travel_, and of
_The Lower Orders in Paris_, are graphic and entertaining. A year or
two ago, a _Notice Bibliographique_ of his works appeared in Paris,
which contained a list of above thirty publications. Great diligence,
joined to enthusiasm, enabled him to accomplish so much in these
various departments of literature. His manners, too, were of that
frank, cordial, and agreeable tone which inspires confidence, and
prepossessed every one in his favour; so that from all he could obtain
the information which he wished, and they could afford. Over his
pupils, his influence was immense. He had the rare art of engaging the
entire attention of children; and while he maintained strict
discipline, he gained their warmest affection: his own earnestness was
reflected on the countenances of his pupils.

Those alone who knew him in private life could thoroughly estimate
that purity of mind and heart which eminently characterised him, along
with a childlike simplicity and unworldliness, which often, indeed,
made him the prey of designing persons, but which, joined to his
general information and cheerfulness, made his society most
attractive. His personal appearance was indicative of a delicate and
nervous organisation: slight and fragile in figure, with an
intellectual forehead and eye, that spoke of the preponderance of the
_spirituelle_ in his idiosyncrasy; one of those minds which are ever
working beyond the powers of the body; ever planning new achievements
and new labours of love, and which too often, alas! go out at noonday,
while half their fond projects are unaccomplished, yet not before they
have made a name to live, and left the world their debtors!

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See _Chambers's Journal_, No. 226, New Series.

[2] See _Lays from Strathearn_, 4to.




A NEWCASTLE PAPER IN 1765-6.


There is scarcely anything more entertaining and instructive than a
leisurely look over an old newspaper file. A newspaper of any age is
an attraction, and the current newspaper something more, for it is now
a necessity. But the next place to it in point of interest is perhaps
due to the journal half a century, or two-thirds of a century old. It
introduces us, if we be youthful, to the habits of our grandsires; and
if we be in 'the sere, the yellow leaf,' to the habits of our fathers,
more fully than the pleasantest novel or most elaborate essay, and far
more intimately than the most correct and complete historical records.
It enables us to observe freely the position and avocations of the
denizens of the past, and catch hasty, but most suggestive glances at
bygone days; it 'shews the very age and body of the time, its form and
pressure.' It is a milestone from which we may reckon our progress,
and must delight as well as surprise us by the advancement it shews us
to have made in social and political life, particularly with regard to
those 'triumphs of mind over matter,' for which recent times have been
pre-eminently distinguished.

The writer of this article had lately an opportunity of inspecting a
file of the _Newcastle Chronicle_ for 1765-6, and the contrast between
journals and things in general which that examination forced on the
attention, was in some respects sufficiently striking or curious to
be, in his opinion, deserving of some permanent record. At present,
the journal in question almost, if not entirely, reaches 'the largest
size allowed by law;' at that time, it consisted merely of a single
demy sheet. Now, the Newcastle people would be amazed beyond measure
if they did not receive at breakfast-time, on the morning of
publication, the parliamentary, and all other important news of the
night; then, the latest London news was four days old. But a better
idea of the journal can perhaps be given, by stating what it lacked
than what it then contained. It had no leaders, no parliamentary
reports, and very little indeed, in any shape, that could be termed
political news. In these matters, its conductor had to say, with
Canning's knife-grinder: 'Story! God bless you, I have none to tell,
sir.' Not that the political world was unfruitful in affairs of
moment; it was a time of no small change, interest, and excitement. In
the period referred to, the Grenville ministry had endeavoured to
burden the American colonies, by means of the stamp-duties, with some
of the debt contracted in the late war. Thereupon, immense discontent
had arisen at home and abroad; that administration had fallen; and the
Rockingham ministry, which was then formed, found full employment (in
1766) in undoing what had been effected in the previous year. How the
Grafton ministry was next formed; how the unfortunate design of taxing
the colonists was revived; and how that policy ended, readers of
English history know full well. John Wilkes, too, had been already
persecuted into prominence, although not yet forced up to the height
of his popularity with the masses. But, notwithstanding these and
other stirring incidents, the _Chronicle_ was, politically speaking,
almost a blank. From time to time, it was stated that the royal assent
had been given to certain measures; but concerning the preparation and
discussion of those measures, nothing was known. A few other political
facts of interest, indeed, such as the arrival of Wilkes in London
from France; the repeal of the obnoxious Stamp Act; the riots of the
Spitalfields weavers on account of the importation of French silks;
and an attack upon the Speaker, and many of the members of the Dublin
parliament, who were grossly insulted, and kept from going to the
House, in consequence of 'a report that parliament designed to impose
more taxes,' were also curtly noticed. Political rumours abounded,
although positive knowledge of that kind was exceedingly scanty; and
the little that could be obtained was eked out by inuendo, rather than
by venturing on any direct statement. The familiarity which, according
to the proverb, is apt to breed contempt, was not then indulged in
with reference to rulers, parliaments, or even agitators. The emperor
of Russia was alluded to under the title of 'a great northern
potentate;' parliament was spoken of as 'a certain august assembly;'
and Wilkes was usually entitled, 'a certain popular gentleman.'

Some of the political rumours are worthy of republication. The
subjoined, from the London news of July 29, 1766, serves to shew how
long a political change may be mooted before its effect is tried in
this country: 'It is said, a bill will be brought into parliament next
session, binding elections for members of parliament to be by ballot.'

And, without at all entering into the discussion of political topics,
it may perhaps be observed that the following, taken from the
_Chronicle_ of August 10, 1765, points out how an evil of the present
day has long been felt and acknowledged: 'We hear the electors of a
certain borough have been offered 3000 guineas for a seat, though
there is but so short a time for the session of the present
parliament.'

Great surprise is expressed (1766) that the consumption of coal in
London 'hath increased from 400,000 odd to 600,000 chaldrons yearly.'
We find that the coal imported into London during the first six months
of 1851, amounted to 1,527,527 tons, besides 90,975 tons brought into
the metropolis during the same period by railway and canal. 'Carrying
coal to Newcastle' proved a successful speculation on September 25,
1765, when, on account of a strike among the pitmen, 'several pokes of
coal were brought to this town by one of the common carriers, and sold
on the Sandhill for 9d. a poke, by which he cleared 6d. a poke.' About
the same time, wheat was selling in Darlington and Richmond for 4s.
and 4s. 6d. per bushel, after having been nearly double that price
only two or three weeks previously. In the number for June 25, 1766,
we have the following quotation from a Doncaster letter:--'Corn sold
last market-day from 12s. to 14s. per quarter; meat, from 2-1/2d. to
3d. per pound; fowls, and other kinds of poultry, had no price, being
mostly carried home. I wish a scheme was set on foot, to run many such
articles to London by land-carriage; there is plenty here.' In the
same paper, the prices of grain in London are given: wheat, 36s. to
41s.; barley, 22s. to 25s.; oats, 16s. to 20s.

Recently, the Newcastle papers, led on by the _Chronicle_, have been
making strenuous efforts to extend the French coal-trade, but such
exertions formed no part of the 'wisdom of our ancestors.' The number
for June 15, 1765, informs us that 'some sinister designs for
exporting a very considerable quantity of coals to France and
elsewhere, have lately been discovered and prevented.' Sturdy Britons
had then far too much hatred for 'our natural enemies' to wish to
exchange aught but hostilities with them. About the same time, we
learn that 'clubs of young gentlemen of fortune' had come to the
magnanimous resolve, 'to toast no lady who has so much inconsideration
as to lavish her money away in French fopperies, to the detriment of
her own country.'

The style of advertising then in vogue occasionally gave the paper a
somewhat pictorial appearance. Cockfighting was in great force, and
the public announcements relative to this barbarous sport were
invariably headed by a portraiture of a couple of game-birds facing
each other with a most belligerent aspect; while the numerous
advertisements of horses 'stolen or strayed,' were embellished by a
representation of the supposed thief, mounted on the missing animal,
which was forced into a breakneck pace, while Satan himself, _in
propria persona_, was perched on the crupper, in an excited and
triumphant attitude. In the local paragraphs, we note several
indicating a strong feeling of animosity between the Scotch and
English borderers. We observe also that the Newcastle dogs--to this
day a very numerous fraternity--were at times quite unmanageable, and
caused, either by their ravenous exploits, or their downright madness,
no small uneasiness to the town and neighbourhood. It must be
confessed, that in its marriage-notices, at least, the _Chronicle_ was
far superior to anything that journalism can now exhibit in Newcastle
or in Great Britain. These interesting announcements must have
intensely delighted our grandmothers; and, we fear, have frequently
tempted our grandsires into a somewhat precipitate plunge into the
gulf of matrimony. Instead of barely specifying, as papers now do,
that Mr Smith married Miss Brown, the _Chronicle_ uniformly tantalised
its bachelor readers with an account of the personal, mental, and, if
such there were, metallic charms of the bride; so that how any single
gentleman, in the teeth of such notifications, could retain his
condition for long, is really marvellous. Most of the young ladies who
had thus bestowed themselves on their fortunate admirers, are
described as 'sprightly,' and many as 'genteel and agreeable;' some
have 'a genteel fortune,' other's 'a considerable fortune,' and
others, again, rejoice in the possession of 'a large fortune:' one man
gains 'a well-accomplished young lady, with a fortune of L.1000;'
another takes unto himself 'an agreeable widow lady, with a fortune of
L.2000;' a third marches off with 'a young lady endowed with every
accomplishment to make the marriage state happy, with a fortune of
L.5000;' while a fourth _Benedict_, more lucky still, obtains 'a most
amiable, affable, and agreeable young lady, with a fortune of
L.10,000.' We suppose that the best excuse newspaper editors now have
for being less florid in their matrimonial announcements is, that
where the papers formerly had one, they have now at least a dozen of
these interesting notices; so that their brevity may be less owing to
the want of gallantry than to the want of space.

So extremely meagre was the news, both foreign and domestic, that a
considerable portion of the four small pages of the _Chronicle_ was
usually devoted to literature. Extracts were frequently given from the
works of Johnson, Smollett, and other popular writers, and a column
was often occupied by an essay from a contributor to the paper,
generally treating of some social evil or peculiarity, but never
intermeddling with local or general politics. These effusions
displayed a very respectable amount of ability, and the general
getting-up, or what would now be termed the sub-editing of the paper,
was also performed with care and ability. The scraps of news were
always presented rewritten and carefully condensed, instead of the
loose 'scissors-and-paste' style of publication adopted by many
provincial papers of the present day. Notices not only of local
theatricals, but of histrionic matters at Old Drury, were occasionally
given; the number for March 15, 1766, containing a well-written
criticism of '_The Clandestine Marriage; a New Comedy_,' performed
there. As the _Chronicle_ thus had to leave politics for literature,
we may perhaps, in our turn, digress from a consideration of its
pages, to note briefly that this period was set in the very midst of
the celebrated Georgian era, in which this country could boast of more
distinguished men--especially in literature--than at any other period.
In about twenty previous years, many great ones had departed--notably
Pope, Thomson, Fielding. Richardson also had died in 1761, and
Shenstone in 1763; the author of the _Night-Thoughts_ survived till
1765, when his burial was announced in the _Chronicle_ of April 27.
At this time (1765-6), Dr Johnson had reached the zenith of his fame;
Gray was becoming popular; Smollett had written most of his novels;
Goldsmith was about to present the world with his exquisite _Vicar of
Wakefield_; Gibbon had returned to England from Rome with the idea of
_The Decline and Fall_ floating in his brain; Thomas Chatterton,

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