A Portraiture of Quakerism, Volume I (of 3) by Thomas Clarkson
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Thomas Clarkson >> A Portraiture of Quakerism, Volume I (of 3)
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18 A PORTRAITURE OF QUAKERISM, VOLUME I
Taken from a View of the Education and Discipline, Social Manners,
Civil and Political Economy, Religious Principles and Character, of
the Society of Friends
by
THOMAS CLARKSON, M.A.
1806.
[Illustration: THOMAS CLARKSON, A.M.]
CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
INTRODUCTION
PREFATORY ARRANGEMENTS AND REMARKS
MORAL EDUCATION.
CHAPTER I.
_Amusements distinguishable into useful and hurtful--the latter
specified and forbidden_.
CHAPTER II.
SECT. I.--_Games of chance forbidden--history of the origin of some of
these_.
SECT. II.--_Forbidden as below the dignity of the intellect of man, and
of his christian character_.
SECT. III.--_As producing an excitement of the passions, unfavourable to
religious impressions--historical anecdotes of this excitement_.
SECT. IV.--_As tending to produce, by the introduction of habits of
gaming, an alteration in the moral character_.
CHAPTER III.
SECT. I.--_Music forbidden--instrumental innocent in itself, but greatly
abused--the use of it almost inseparable from its abuse at the present
day_.
SECT. II.--_Quakers cannot learn instrumental on the usual motives of
the world--nor consider it as a source of moral improvement, or of
solid comfort to the mind--but are fearful that, if indulged in, it
would interfere with the Christian duty of religious retirement_.
SECT III.--_Quakers cannot learn vocal, because, on account of its
articulative powers, it is capable of becoming detrimental to
morals--its tendency to this, as discoverable by an analysis of
different classes of songs_.
SECT IV.--_The preceding the arguments of the early Quaker--but the new
state of music has produced others--these explained_.
SECT V.--_An objection stated to the different arguments of the Quakers
on this subject--their reply_.
CHAPTER IV.
SECT I.--_The Theatre forbidden--short history of its origin--and of its
state and progress_.
SECT II.--_Manner of the drama objected to by the Quakers--as it
personates the characters of others--and it professes to reform vice_.
SECT III.--_Contents of the drama objected to--as they hold our false
sentiments--and weaken the sinews of morality_.
SECT IV.--_Theater considered by the Quakers to be injurious to the
happiness of man, as it disqualifies him for the pleasure of religion_.
SECT V.--_To be injurious to the happiness of man, as it disqualifies
him for domestic enjoyments_.
SECT VI.--_Opinions of the early Christians on this subject_.
CHAPTER V.
SECT. I.--_Dancing forbidden--light in which this subject has been
viewed both by the ancients and the moderns--Quakers principally object
to it, where it is connected with public assemblies--they conceive it
productive, in this case, of a frivolous levity, and of an excitement of
many of the evil passions_.
SECT. II--_These arguments of the Quakers, on dancing, examined in
three supposed cases put to a moral philosopher_.
SECT. III.--_These arguments further elucidated by a display of the
Ball-room_.
CHAPTER VI.
_Novels forbidden--considered by the Quakers as producing an affectation
of knowledge--a romantic spirit--and a perverted morality_.
CHAPTER VII.
SECT. I--_Diversions of the field forbidden--general thoughtlessness
upon this subject--sentiments of some of our best poets--law of the
Quakers concerning it_.
SECT. II.--_Consistency of this law examined by the morality, which is
inculcated by the Old Testament_.
SECT. III.--_Examined by the morality of the New--these employments, if
resorted to as diversions, pronounced, in both cases, to be a breach of
a moral law_.
CHAPTER VIII.
_Objections to the preceding system, which includes these different
prohibitions, as a system of moral education_.
CHAPTER IX.
SECT. I.--_Reply of the Quakers to these objections_.
SECT. II.--_Further reply of the Quakers on the same subject_.
* * * * *
DISCIPLINE.
CHAPTER I.
SECT. I.--_Outlines of the discipline of the Quakers_.
SECT. II.--_Manner of the administration of this discipline_.
SECT. III.--_Charges usually brought against the administration of
it--observations in answer in these charges_.
SECT. IV.--_The principles of this discipline applicable to the
discipline of larger societies, or to the criminal codes of
states--beautiful example in Pennsylvania_.
CHAPTER II.
_Monthly court or meeting of the Quakers for the purposes of their
discipline--nature and manner of the business transacted there_.
CHAPTER III.
_Quarterly court or meeting for the same purposes--nature and manner of
the business there_.
CHAPTER IV.
_Annual court or meeting for the same purposes--nature and manner of the
business there--striking peculiarities in this manner--character of this
discipline or government_.
CHAPTER V.
_Excommunication or disowning--nature of disowning as a punishment_.
PECULIAR CUSTOMS.
CHAPTER I.
SECT. I.--_Dress--extravagance of the dress of the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries--plain manner in which the grave and religious were
then habited--the Quakers sprang out of these_.
SECT. II.--_Quakers carried with them their plain dresses into their new
society--extravagance of the world continuing, they defined the objects
of dress as a Christian people--at length incorporated it into their
discipline--hence their present dress is only a less deviation from that
of their ancestors, than that of other people_.
SECT. III.--_Objections of the world to the Quaker dress--those
examined--a comparison between the language of Quakerism and of
Christianity on this subject--opinion of the early Christians upon it._
CHAPTER II.
_Furniture--the Quakers use plain furniture--reasons for their
singularities in this respect._
CHAPTER III.
SECT. I.--_Language--Quakers have altered the common
language--substitution of Thou for You--reasons for this
change--opinions of many learned men concerning it._
SECT. II.--_Various other alterations made--as in titled of address--and
of honour--reasons for these changes._
SECT. III.--_Another alteration--as in the names of the days and the
months--reasons for this change--various new phrases also introduced._
SECT. IV.--_Objections by the world against the alteration of Thou for
You._
SECT. V.--_Against that of titles of address and honour._
SECT. VI.--_Against that of the names of the days and months._
SECT. VIII.--_Advantages and disadvantages of these alterations by the
Quaker language._
CHAPTER IV.
_Address--common personal gestures or worldly ceremonies of address
forbidden--no exception in favour of royalty--reasons against the disuse
of these._
CHAPTER V.
_Manners and conversation--hospitality and freedom in Quakers'
houses--their conversation more limited than that of others--subjects of
conversation examined in our towns--and in the metropolis--extraordinary
circumstance that takes place occasionally in the company of the
Quakers._
CHAPTER VI.
_Customs before meals--ancients made an oblation to Vesta--moderns have
substituted grace--account of a Quaker-grace._
CHAPTER VII.
_Customs at and after meals--Quakers never drink healths or
toasts--various reasons for their disuse of these customs--and seldom
allow women to retire after dinner and leave the men drinking--Quakers a
sober people._
INTRODUCTION.
MOTIVES FOR THE UNDERTAKING--ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF QUAKERS--GEORGE FOX,
THE FOUNDER OF THE SOCIETY-SHORT HISTORY OF HIS LIFE.
From the year 1787, when I began to devote my labours to the abolition
of the slave trade, I was thrown frequently into the company of the
people, called Quakers, these people had been then long unanimous upon
this subject. Indeed they had placed it among the articles of their
religious discipline. Their houses were of course open to me in all
parts of the kingdom. Hence I came to a knowledge of their living
manners, which no other person, who was not a Quaker, could have easily
obtained.
As soon as I became possessed of this knowledge, or at least of so much
of it, as to feel that it was considerable, I conceived a desire of
writing their moral history. I believed I should be able to exhibit to
the rest of the world many excellent customs, of which they were
ignorant, but which it might be useful to them to know. I believed too,
that I should be affording to the Quakers themselves, some lessons of
utility, by letting them see, as it were in a glass, the reflection of
their own images. I felt also a great desire, amidst these
considerations, to do them justice; for ignorance and prejudice had
invented many expressions concerning them, to the detriment of their
character, which their conduct never gave me reason to suppose, during
all my intercourse with them, to be true.
Nor was I without the belief, that such a history might afford
entertainment to many. The Quakers, as every body knows, differ more
than even many foreigners do, from their own countrymen. They adopt a
singular mode of language. Their domestic customs are peculiar. They
have renounced religious ceremonies, which all other christians, in some
form or other, have retained. They are distinguished from all the other
islanders by their dress. These differences are great and striking. And
I thought therefore that those, who were curious in the development of
character, might be gratified in knowing the principles, which produced
such numerous exceptions from the general practices of the world.
But though I had conceived from the operation of these sentiments upon
my mind, as long ago as I have stated, a strong desire to write the
moral history of the Quakers, yet my incessant occupations on the
subject of the slave-trade, and indisposition of body afterwards, in
consequence of the great mental exertions necessary in such a cause,
prevented me from attempting my design. At length these causes of
prevention ceased. But when, after this, the subject recurred, I did not
seem to have the industry and perseverance, though I had still the
inclination left, for the undertaking. Time, however, continued to steal
on, till at length I began to be apprehensive, but more particularly
within the last two years, that, if I were to delay my work much longer,
I might not live to begin it at all. This consideration operated upon
me. But I was forcibly struck by another, namely, that, if I were not to
put my hand to the task, the Quakers would probably continue to be as
little known to their fellow-citizens, as they are at present. For I did
not see who was ever to give a full and satisfactory account of them. It
is true indeed, that there are works, written by Quakers, from which a
certain portion of their history, and an abstract of their religious
principles, might be collected; but none, from whence their living
manners could be taken. It is true also that others, of other religious
denominations, have written concerning them; but of those authors, who
have mentioned them in the course of their respective writings, not one,
to my knowledge, has given a correct account of them. It would be
tedious to dwell on the errors of Mosheim, or of Formey, or of Hume, or
on those to be found in many of the modern periodical[1] publications.
It seemed, therefore, from the circumstance of my familiar intercourse
with the Quakers, that it devolved upon me particularly to write their
history. And I was the more confirmed in my opinion, because, in looking
forward, I was never able to foresee the time when any other cause would
equally, with that of the slave-trade, bring any other person, who was
not of the society, into such habits of friendship with the Quakers, as
that he should obtain an equal degree of knowledge concerning them with
myself. By this new consideration I was more than ordinarily stimulated,
and I began my work.
[Footnote 1: I must except Dr. Toulmin's revision of Neal's history of
the Puritans. One or two publications have appeared since, written, in a
liberal spirit, but they are confined principally to the religious
principles of the Quakers.]
It is not improbable but some may imagine from the account already
given, that this work will be a partial one, or that it will lean, more
than it ought to do, in favour of the Quakers. I do not pretend to say,
that I shall be utterly able to divest myself of all undue influence,
which their attention towards me may have produced, or that I shall be
utterly unbiased, when I consider them as fellow-labourers in the work
of the abolition of the slave-trade; for if others had put their
shoulders to the wheel equally with them on the occasion, one of the
greatest causes of human misery, and moral evil, that was ever known in
the world, had been long ago annihilated, nor can I conceal, that I have
a regard for men, of whom it is a just feature in their character, that,
whenever they can be brought to argue upon political subjects, they
reason upon principle, and not upon consequences; for if this mode of
reasoning had been adopted by others, but particularly by men in exalted
stations, policy had given way to moral justice, and there had been but
little public wickedness in the world. But though I am confessedly
partial to the Quakers on account of their hospitality to me, and on
account of the good traits in their moral character, I am not so much
so, as to be blind to their imperfections. Quakerism is of itself a pure
system, and, if followed closely, will lead towards purity and
perfection; but I know well that all, who profess it, are not Quakers.
The deviation therefore of their practice from their profession, and
their frailties and imperfections, I shall uniformly lay open to them,
wherever I believe them to exist. And this I shall do, not because I
wish to avoid the charge of partiality, but from a belief, that it is my
duty to do it.
The society, of which I am to speak, are called[2] Quakers by the world,
but are known to each other by the name of friends, a beautiful
appellation, and characteristic of the relation, which man, under the
christian dispensation, ought uniformly to bear to man.
[Footnote 2: Justice Bennet of Derby gave the society the name of
Quakers in the year 1650, because the founder of it ordered him, and
those present with him, to tremble at the word of the Lord.]
The Founder of the society was George Fox He was born of "honest and
sufficient parents," at Drayton in Leicestershire, in the year 1624. He
was put out, when young, according to his own account, to a man, who was
a shoe-maker by trade, and who dealt in wool, and followed grazing, and
sold cattle. But it appears from William Penn, who became a member of
the society, and was acquainted with him that he principally followed
the country-part of his master's business. He took a great delight in
sheep, "an employment," says Penn, "that very well suited his mind in
some respects, both for its innocency and its solitude, and was a just
figure of his after ministry and service."
In his youth he manifested a seriousness of spirit, not usual in persons
of his age. This seriousness grew upon him, and as it encreased he
encouraged it, so that in the year 1643, or in the twentieth year of
his age, he conceived himself, in consequence of the awful impression
he had received, to be called upon to separate himself from the world,
and to devote himself to religion.
At this time the Church of England, as a Protestant church, had been
established; and many, who were not satisfied with the settlement of it,
had formed themselves into different religious sects. There was a great
number of persons also in the kingdom, who approving neither of the
religion of the establishment, nor of that of the different
denominations alluded to, withdrew from the communion of every visible
church. These were ready to follow any teacher, who might inculcate
doctrines that coincided with their own apprehensions. Thus for a way
lay open among many for a cordial reception of George Fox. But of those,
who had formed different visible churches of their own, it may be
observed, that though they were prejudiced, the reformation had not
taken place so long, but that they were still alive to religious
advancement. Nor had it taken place so long, but that thousands were
still very ignorant, and stood in need of light and information on that
subject.
It does not appear, however, that George Fox, for the first three years
from the time, when he conceived it to be his duty to withdraw from the
world, had done any thing as a public minister of the gospel. He had
travelled from the year 1643 to 1646, through the counties of Warwick,
Leicester, Northampton, and Bedford, and as far as London. In this
interval he appears to have given himself up to solemn impressions, and
to have endeavoured to find out as many serious people as he could, with
a view of conversing with them on the subject of religion.
In 1647 he extended his travels to Derbyshire, and from thence into
Lancashire, but returned to his native county. He met with many friendly
people in the course of this journey, and had many serious conversations
with them, but he never joined in profession with any. At Duckenfield,
however, and at Manchester, he went among those, whom he termed "the
professors of religion," and according to his own expressions, "he staid
a while and declared truth among them." Of these some were convinced but
others were enraged, being startled at his doctrine of perfection. At
Broughton in Leicestershire, we find him attending a meeting of the
Baptists, at which many of other denominations were present. Here he
spoke publicly, and convinced many. After this he went back to the
county of Nottingham. And here a report having gone abroad, that he was
an extraordinary young man, many, both priests and people, came far and
near to see him.
In 1648 he confined his movements to a few counties. In this year we
find him becoming a public character. In Nottinghamshire he delivered
himself in public at three different meetings, consisting either of
priests and professors, as he calls them, or professors and people. In
Warwickshire he met with a great company of professors, who were praying
and expounding the scriptures, in the fields. Here he discoursed
largely, and the hearers fell into contention, and so parted. In
Leicestershire he attended another meeting, consisting of Church people,
Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists, where he spoke publicly
again. This meeting was held in a church. The persons present discoursed
and reasoned. Questions were propounded, and answers followed. An answer
given by George Fox, in which he stated that "the church was the pillar
and ground of truth, and that it did not consist of a mixed multitude,
or of an old house, made up of lime, stones, and wood, but of living
stones, living members, and a spiritual household, of which Christ was
the head," set them all on fire. The clergyman left the pulpit, the
people their pews, and the meeting separated. George Fox, however, went
afterwards to an Inn, where he argued with priests and professors of all
sorts. Departing from thence, he took up his abode for some time in the
vale of Beevor, where he preached Repentance, and convinced many. He
then returned into Nottinghamshire, and passed from thence into
Derbyshire, in both which counties his doctrines spread. And, after
this, warning Justices of the Peace, as he travelled along, to do
justice, and notoriously wicked men to amend their lives, he came into
the vale of Beevor again. In this vale it was that he received,
according to his own account, his commission from divine authority, by
means of impressions on his mind, in consequence of which he conceived
it to be discovered to him, among other things, that he was "to turn the
people from darkness to the light." By this time he had converted many
hundreds to his opinions, and divers meetings of Friends, to use his own
expression, "had been then gathered."
The year 1649 was ushered in by new labours. He was employed
occasionally in writing to judges and justices to do justice, and in
warning persons to fulfil the duties of their respective stations in
life.
This year was the first of all his years of suffering. For it happened
on a Sunday morning, that, coming in sight of the town of Nottingham,
and seeing the great church, he felt an impression on his mind to go
there. On hearing a part of the sermon, he was so struck with what he
supposed to be the erroneous doctrine it contained, that he could not
help publicly contradicting it. For this interruption of the service he
was seized, and afterwards confined in prison. At Mansfield again, as he
was declaring his own religious opinions in the church, the people fell
upon him and beat and bruised him, and put him afterwards in the stocks.
At Market Bosworth he was stoned and driven out of the place. At
Chesterfield he addressed both the clergyman and the people, but they
carried him before the mayor, who detained him till late at night, at
which unseasonable time the officers and watchmen put him out of the
town.
And here I would observe, before I proceed to the occurrences of another
year, that there is reason to believe that George Fox disapproved of his
own conduct in having interrupted the service of the church at
Nottingham, which I have stated to have been the first occasion of his
imprisonment. For if he believed any one of his actions, with which the
world had been offended, to have been right, he repeated it, as
circumstances called it forth, though he was sure of suffering for it
either from the magistrates or the people. But he never repeated this,
but he always afterwards, when any occasion of religious controversy
occurred in any of the churches, where his travels lay, uniformly
suspended his observations, till the service was over.
George Fox spent almost the whole of the next year, that is, of the year
1650, in confinement in Derby Prison.
In 1651, when he was set at liberty, he seems not to have been in the
least disheartened by the treatment he had received there, or at the
different places before mentioned, but to have resumed his travels, and
to have held religious meetings, as he went along. He had even the
boldness to go into Litchfield, because he imagined it to be his duty,
and, with his shoes off to pronounce with an audible voice in the
streets, and this on the market-day, a woe against that city. He
continued also to visit the churches, as he journeyed, in the time of
divine service, and to address the priests and the people publicly, as
he saw occasion, but not, as I observed before, till he believed the
service to be over. It does not appear, however, that he suffered any
interruption upon these occasions, in the course of the present year,
except at York-Minster; where, as he was beginning to preach after the
sermon, he was hurried out of it, and thrown down the steps by the
congregation, which was then breaking up. It appears that he had been
generally well received in the county of York, and that he had convinced
many.
In the year 1652, after having passed through the shires of Nottingham
and Lincoln, he came again into Yorkshire. Here, in the course of his
journey, he ascended Pendle-Hill. At the top of this he apprehended it
was opened to him, whither he was to direct his future steps, and that
he saw a great host of people, who were to be converted by him in the
course of his ministry. From this time we may consider him as having
received his commission full and complete in his own mind. For in the
vale of Beevor he conceived himself to have been informed of the various
doctrines, which it became his duty to teach, and, on this occasion, to
have had an insight of the places where he was to spread them.
To go over his life, even in the concise way, in which I have hitherto
attempted it, would be to swell this introduction into a volume. I shall
therefore, from this great period of his ministry, make only the
following simple statement concerning it.
He continued his labours, as a minister of the gospel, and even
preached, within two days of his death.
During this time he had settled meetings in most parts of the kingdom,
and had given to these the foundation of that beautiful system of
discipline, which I shall explain in this volume, and which exists among
the Quakers at the present day.
He had travelled over England, Scotland, and Wales. He had been in
Ireland. He had visited the British West-Indies, and America. He had
extended his travels to Holland, and part of Germany.
He had written, in this interval, several religious books, and had
addressed letters to kings, princes, magistrates, and people, as he felt
impressions on his mind, which convinced him, that it become his duty to
do it.
He had experienced also, during this interval, great bodily sufferings.
He had been long and repeatedly confined in different gaols of the
kingdom. The state of the gaols, in these times, is not easily to be
conceived. That of Doomsdale at Launceston in Cornwall, has never been
exceeded for filth and pestilential noisomeness, nor those of Lancaster
and Scarborough-castles for exposure to the inclemency of the elements.
In the two latter he was scarcely ever dry for two years; for the rain
used to beat into them, and to run down upon the floor. This exposure to
the severity of the weather occasioned his body and limbs to be
benumbed, and to swell to a painful size, and laid the foundation, by
injuring his health, for future occasional sufferings during the
remainder of his life.
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