The Eventful History Of The Mutiny And Piratical Seizure by Sir John Barrow

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It will be recollected that Captain Bligh's people received warmth and
comfort by wringing out their clothes in salt-water. The same practice
was adopted by the crews of the _Pandora's_ boats; but the doctor
observes, that 'this wetting their bodies with salt water is not
advisable, if protracted beyond three or four days, as, after that time,
the great absorption from the skin that takes place, taints the fluids
with the bitter part of salt water, so that the saliva becomes
intolerable in the mouth.' Their mouths, indeed, he says, became so
parched, that few attempted to eat the slender allowance of bread. He
also remarks, that as the sufferings of the people continued, their
temper became cross and savage. In the captain's boat, it is stated, one
of the mutineers took to praying; but that 'the captain, suspecting the
purity of his doctrines, and unwilling that he should have a monopoly of
the business, gave prayers himself.'

On the 13th, they saw the island of Timor, and the next morning landed
and got some water, and a few small fish from the natives; and on the
night of the 15th, anchored opposite the fort of Coupang. Nothing could
exceed the kindness and hospitality of the governor and other Dutch
officers of this settlement, in affording every possible assistance and
relief in their distressed condition. Having remained here three weeks,
they embarked on the 6th October, on board the _Rembang_ Dutch Indiaman,
and on the 30th, anchored at Samarang, where they were agreeably
surprised to find their little Tender, which they had so long given up
for lost. On the 7th November they arrived at Batavia, where Captain
Edwards agreed with the Dutch East India Company, to divide the whole
of the ship's company and prisoners among four of their ships proceeding
to Europe. The latter the captain took with him in the _Vreedenburgh_;
but finding his Majesty's ship _Gorgon_ at the Cape, he transhipped
himself and prisoners, and proceeded in her to Spithead, where he
arrived on the 19th June, 1792.

Captain Edwards, in his meagre narrative, takes no more notice of his
prisoners with regard to the mode in which they were disposed of at
Coupang and Batavia, than he does when the _Pandora_ went down. In fact,
he suppresses all information respecting them, from the day in which
they were consigned to '_Pandora's_ Box.' From this total indifference
towards these unfortunate men, and their almost unparalleled sufferings,
Captain Edwards must be set down as a man, whose only feeling was to
stick to the letter of his instructions, and rigidly to adhere to what
he considered the strict line of his duty; that he was a man of a cold
phlegmatic disposition, whom no distress could move, and whose feelings
were not easily disturbed by the sufferings of his fellow-creatures. He
appears to have been one of those mortals, who might say, with Manfred--

My spirit walk'd not with the souls of men;

* * * * *

My joys, my griefs, my passions, and my powers,
Made me a stranger; though I wore the form,
I had no sympathy with breathing flesh!

There seems to have been a general feeling at and before the
court-martial, that Captain Edwards had exercised a harsh, unnecessary,
and undue degree of severity on his prisoners. It is the custom,
sanctioned no doubt by long usage, to place in irons all such as may
have been guilty of mutiny in a ship of war, and the necessity of so
doing is obvious enough--to prevent, in the most effectual manner,
communication with the rest of the ship's company, who might be
contaminated by their intercourse with such mischievous and designing
men; men whose crime is of that dye, that, if found guilty, they have
little hope to escape the punishment of death, to which a mutineer must,
by the naval articles of war, be sentenced; no alternative being left to
a court-martial, in such a case, but to pronounce a sentence of
acquittal or of death.

In the present case, however, most of the prisoners had surrendered
themselves; many of them had taken no active part in the mutiny; and
others had been forcibly compelled to remain in the ship. It was not
likely, therefore, that any danger could arise from indulging them
occasionally, and in turns, with a few hours of fresh air on deck. As
little danger was there of their escaping; where indeed could they
escape to--especially when the ship was going down, at a great distance
from any shore, and the nearest one known to be inhabited by savages?
All or most of them were desirous of getting home, and throwing
themselves on God and their country. The captain, however, had no
'compunctious visitings of nature' to shake his purpose, which seems to
have been, to keep them strictly in irons during the whole passage, and
to deliver them over in that state on his arrival in England.

Perhaps the circumstance of the crime of piracy, being superadded to
that of mutiny, may have operated on his stern nature, and induced him
to inflict a greater severity of punishment than he might otherwise have
done, and which he certainly did far beyond the letter and spirit of his
instructions. He might have considered that, in all ages and among all
nations, with the exception of some of the Greek states,[18] piracy has
been held in the utmost abhorrence, and those guilty of it treated with
singular and barbarous severity; and that the most sanguinary laws were
established for the protection of person and property in maritime
adventure. The laws of Oleron, which were composed under the immediate
direction of our Richard I., and became the common usage among maritime
states, whose vessels passed through British seas, are conceived in a
spirit of the most barbarous cruelty.[19] Thus, if a poor pilot, through
ignorance, lost the vessel, he was either required to make full
satisfaction to the merchant for damages sustained, or to lose his head.
In the case of wrecks, where the lord of the coast (something like our
present vice-admiral) should be found to be in league with the pilots,
and run the ships on rocks, in order to get salvage, the said lord, the
salvers, and all concerned, are declared to be accursed and
excommunicated, and punished as thieves and robbers; and the pilot
condemned to be hanged upon a high gibbet, which is to abide and remain
to succeeding ages, on the place where erected, as a visible caution to
other ships sailing thereby. Nor was the fate of the lord of the coast
less severe,--his property was to be confiscated, and himself fastened
to a post in the midst of his own mansion, which being fired at the four
corners, were all to be burned together; the walls thereof demolished;
and the spot on which it stood be converted into a market-place, for the
sale only of hogs and swine, to all posterity.

These and many other barbarous usages were transferred into the
institutions of Wisbuy, which formed the _jus mercatorum_ for a long
period, and in which great care was taken for the security of ships
against their crews. Among other articles are the following.--Whoever
draws a sword upon the master of a vessel, or wilfully falsifies the
compass, shall have his right hand nailed to the mast.--Whoever behaves
riotously shall be punished by being keel-hauled.--Whoever is guilty of
rebellion (or mutiny) shall be thrown overboard.

For the suppression of piracy, the Portuguese, in their early
intercourse with India, had a summary punishment, and accompanied it
with a terrible example to deter others from the commission of the
crime. Whenever they took a pirate ship, they instantly hanged every
man, carried away the sails, rudder, and everything that was valuable in
the ship, and left her to be buffeted about by the winds and the waves,
with the carcasses of the criminals dangling from the yards, a horrid
object of terror to all who might chance to fall in with her. Even to
this day, a spice of the laws of Oleron still remains in the maritime
code of European nations, as far as regards mutiny and piracy; and a
feeling of this kind may have operated on the mind of Captain Edwards,
especially as a tendency even to mutiny, or mutinous expressions, are
considered, by the usage of the service, as justifying the commander of
a ship of war to put the offenders in irons. Besides, the treatment of
Bligh, whose admirable conduct under the unparalleled sufferings of
himself and all who accompanied him in the open boat, had roused the
people of England to the highest pitch of indignation against Christian
and his associates, in which Edwards no doubt participated.

The following letter of Mr. Peter Heywood to his mother removes all
doubt as to the character and conduct of this officer. It is an artless
and pathetic tale, and, as his amiable sister says, 'breathes not a
syllable inconsistent with truth and honour.'

'_Batavia, November 20th_, 1791.

'MY EVER-HONOURED AND DEAREST MOTHER,--At length the time has
arrived when you are once more to hear from your ill-fated
son, whose conduct at the capture of that ship, in which it
was my fortune to embark, has, I fear, from what has since
happened to me, been grossly misrepresented to you by
Lieutenant Bligh, who, by not knowing the real cause of my
remaining on board, naturally suspected me, unhappily for me,
to be a coadjutor in the mutiny; but I never, to my knowledge,
whilst under his command, behaved myself in a manner
unbecoming the station I occupied, nor so much as even
entertained a thought derogatory to his honour, so as to give
him the least grounds for entertaining an opinion of me so
ungenerous and undeserved; for I flatter myself he cannot give
a character of my conduct, whilst I was under his tuition,
that could merit the slightest scrutiny. Oh! my dearest
mother, I hope you have not so easily credited such an account
of me; do but let me vindicate my conduct, and declare to you
the true cause of my remaining in the ship, and you will then
see how little I deserve censure, and how I have been injured
by so gross an aspersion. I shall then give you a short and
cursory account of what has happened to me since; but I am
afraid to say a hundredth part of what I have got in store,
for I am not allowed the use of writing materials, if known,
so that this is done by stealth; but if it should ever come to
your hands, it will, I hope, have the desired effect of
removing your uneasiness on my account, when I assure you,
before the face of God, of my innocence of what is laid to my
charge. How I came to remain on board was thus:--

'The morning the ship was taken, it being my watch below,
happening to awake just after daylight, and looking out of my
hammock, I saw a man sitting upon the arm-chest in the main
hatchway, with a drawn cutlass in his hand, the reason of
which I could not divine; so I got out of bed and inquired of
him what was the cause of it. He told me that Mr. Christian,
assisted by some of the ship's company had seized the captain
and put him in confinement; had taken the command of the ship
and meant to carry Bligh home a prisoner, in order to try him
by court-martial, for his long tyrannical and oppressive
conduct to his people. I was quite thunderstruck; and hurrying
into my berth again, told one of my messmates, whom I awakened
out of his sleep, what had happened. Then dressing myself, I
went up the fore-hatchway, and saw what he had told me was but
too true; and again, I asked some of the people, who were
under arms, what was going to be done with the captain, who
was then on the larboard side of the quarter-deck, with his
hands tied behind his back, and Mr. Christian alongside him
with a pistol and drawn bayonet. I now heard a very different
story, and that the captain was to be sent ashore to Tofoa in
the launch, and that those who would not join Mr. Christian
might either accompany the captain, or would be taken in irons
to Otaheite and left there. The relation of two stories so
different, left me unable to judge which could be the true
one; but seeing them hoisting the boats out, it seemed to
prove the latter.

'In this trying situation, young and inexperienced as I was,
and without an adviser (every person being as it were
infatuated, and not knowing what to do), I remained for awhile
a silent spectator of what was going on; and after revolving
the matter in my mind, I determined to choose what I thought
the lesser of two evils and stay by the ship; for I had no
doubt that those who went on shore, in the launch, would be
put to death by the savage natives, whereas the Otaheitans
being a humane and generous race, one might have a hope of
being kindly received, and remain there until the arrival of
some ship, which seemed, to silly me, the most consistent with
reason and rectitude.

'While this resolution possessed my mind, at the same time
lending my assistance to hoist out the boats, the hurry and
confusion affairs were in, and thinking my intention just, I
never thought of going to Mr. Bligh for advice; besides, what
confirmed me in it was, my seeing two experienced officers,
when ordered into the boat by Mr. Christian, desire his
permission to remain in the ship (one of whom, my own
messmate, Mr. Hayward), and I being assisting to clear the
launch of yams, he asked me what I intended to do? I told
him, to remain in the ship. Now this answer, I imagine, he has
told Mr, Bligh I made to him; from which, together with my not
speaking to him that morning, his suspicions of me have
arisen, construing my conduct into what is foreign to my
nature.

'Thus, my dearest mother, it was all owing to my youth and
unadvised inexperience, but has been interpreted into villany
and disregard of my country's laws, the ill effects of which I
at present, and still am to, labour under for some months
longer. And now, after what I have asserted, I may still once
more retrieve my injured reputation, be again reinstated in
the affection and favour of the most tender of mothers, and be
still considered as her ever dutiful son.

'I was not undeceived in my erroneous decision till too late,
which was after the captain was in the launch; for while I was
talking to the master-at-arms, one of the ringleaders in the
affair, my other messmate whom I had left in his hammock in
the berth (Mr. Stewart), came up to me, and asked me, if I was
not going in the launch? I replied, No--upon which he told me
not to think of such a thing as remaining behind, but take his
advice and go down below with him to get a few necessary
things, and make haste to go with him into the launch; adding
that, by remaining in the ship, I should incur an equal share
of guilt with the mutineers themselves. I reluctantly followed
his advice--I say _reluctantly_, because I knew no better, and
was foolish; and the boat swimming very deep in the
water--the land being far distant--the thoughts of being
sacrificed by the natives--and the self-consciousness of my
first intention being just--all these considerations almost
staggered my resolution; however, I preferred my companion's
judgement to my own, and we both jumped down the main-hatchway
to prepare ourselves for the boat--but, no sooner were we in
the berth, than the master-at-arms ordered the sentry to keep
us both in the berth till he should receive orders to release
us. We desired the master-at-arms to acquaint Mr. Bligh of our
intention, which we had reason to think he never did, nor were
we permitted to come on deck until the launch was a long way
astern. I now, when too late, saw my error.

'At the latter end of May, we got to an island to the
southward of Taheite, called Tooboui, where they intended to
make a settlement, but finding no stock there of any kind,
they agreed to go to Taheite, and, after procuring hogs and
fowls, to return to Tooboui and remain. So, on the 6th June,
we arrived at Taheite, where I was in hopes I might find an
opportunity of running away, and remaining on shore, but I
could not effect it, as there was always too good a look-out
kept to prevent any such steps being taken. And besides, they
had all sworn that should any one make his escape, they would
force the natives to restore him, and would then shoot him as
an example to the rest; well knowing, that any one by
remaining there might be the means (should a ship arrive) of
discovering their intended place of abode. Finding it
therefore impracticable, I saw no other alternative but to
rest as content as possible and return to Tooboui, and there
wait till the masts of the _Bounty_ should be taken out, and
then take the boat which might carry me to Taheite, and
disable those remaining from pursuit.[20] But Providence so
ordered it, that we had no occasion to try our fortune at such
a hazard, for, upon returning there and remaining till the
latter end of August, in which time a fort was almost built,
but nothing could be effected; and as the natives could not be
brought to friendly terms, and with whom we had many
skirmishes, and narrow escapes from being cut off by them,
and, what was still worse, internal broils and
discontent,--these things determined part of the people to
leave the island and go to Taheite, which was carried by a
majority of votes.

'This being carried into execution on the 22nd September, and
having anchored in Matavai bay, the next morning my messmate
(Mr. Stewart) and I went on shore, to the house of an old
landed proprietor, our former friend; and being now set free
from a lawless crew, determined to remain as much apart from
them as possible, and wait patiently for the arrival of a
ship. Fourteen more of the _Bounty's_ people came likewise on
shore, and Mr. Christian and eight men went away with the
ship, but God knows whither. Whilst we remained here, we were
treated by our kind and friendly natives with a generosity and
humanity almost unparalleled, and such as we could hardly have
expected from the most civilized people.

'To be brief--having remained here till the latter end of
March, 1791, on the 26th of that month, his Majesty's ship
_Pandora_ arrived, and had scarcely anchored, when my messmate
and I went on board and made ourselves known; and having
learnt from one of the natives who had been off in a canoe,
that our former messmate Mr. Hayward, now promoted to the rank
of lieutenant, was on board, we asked for him, supposing he
might prove the assertions of our innocence. But he (like all
worldlings when raised a little in life) received us very
coolly, and pretended ignorance of our affairs; yet formerly,
he and I were bound in brotherly love and friendship.
Appearances being so much against us, we were ordered to be
put in irons, and looked upon--oh, infernal words!--as
_piratical villains_. A rebuff so severe as this was, to a
person unused to troubles, would perhaps have been
insupportable, but to me, who had now been long inured to the
frowns of fortune, and feeling myself supported by an inward
consciousness of not deserving it, it was received with the
greatest composure, and a full determination to bear it with
patience.

'My sufferings, however, I have not power to describe; but
though they are great, yet I thank God for enabling me to bear
them without repining. I endeavour to qualify my affliction
with these three considerations, first, my innocence not
deserving them; secondly, that they cannot last long; and
thirdly, that the change may be for the better. The first
improves my hopes; the second, my patience; and the third, my
courage. I am young in years, but old in what the world calls
adversity; and it has had such an effect, as to make me
consider it the most beneficial incident that could have
occurred at my age. It has made me acquainted with three
things which are little known, and as little believed by any
but those who have felt their effects: first, the villany and
censoriousness of mankind; secondly, the futility of all human
hopes; and thirdly, the happiness of being content in whatever
station it may please Providence to place me. In short, it has
made me more of a philosopher, than many years of a life spent
in ease and pleasure would have done.

'As they will no doubt proceed to the greatest lengths against
me, I being the only surviving officer, and they most inclined
to believe a prior story, all that can be said to confute it
will probably be looked upon as mere falsity and invention.
Should that be my unhappy case, and they resolved upon my
destruction as an example to futurity, may God enable me to
bear my fate with the fortitude of a man, conscious that
misfortune, not any misconduct, is the cause, and that the
Almighty can attest my innocence. Yet why should I despond? I
have, I hope, still a friend in that Providence which hath
preserved me amidst many greater dangers, and upon whom alone
I now depend for safety. God will always protect those who
deserve it. These are the sole considerations which have
enabled me to make myself easy and content under my past
misfortunes.

'Twelve more of the people who were at Otaheite having
delivered themselves up, there was a sort of prison built on
the after-part of the quarter-deck, into which we were all put
in close confinement with both legs and both hands in irons,
and were treated with great rigour, not being allowed ever to
get out of this den; and, being obliged to eat, drink, sleep,
and obey the calls of nature here, you may form some idea of
the disagreeable situation I must have been in, unable as I
was to help myself (being deprived of the use of both my legs
and hands), but by no means adequate to the reality.

'On the 9th May we left Otaheite, and proceeded to the
Friendly Islands, and about the beginning of August, got in
among the reefs of New Holland, to endeavour to discover a
passage through them; but it was not effected, for the
_Pandora_, ever unlucky, and as if devoted by heaven to
destruction, was driven by a current upon the patch of a reef,
and on which, there being a heavy surf, she was soon almost
bulged to pieces; but having thrown all the guns on one side
overboard, and the tide flowing at the same time, she beat
over the reef into a basin and brought up in fourteen or
fifteen fathoms; but she was so much damaged while on the
reef, that imagining she would go to pieces every moment, we
had contrived to wrench ourselves out of our irons, and
applied to the captain to have mercy on us, and suffer us to
take our chance for the preservation of our lives; but it was
all in vain--he was even so inhuman as to order us all to be
put in irons again, though the ship was expected to go down
every moment, being scarcely able to keep her under with all
the pumps at work.

'In this miserable situation, with an expected death before
our eyes, without the least hope of relief, and in the most
trying state of suspense, we spent the night, the ship being
by the hand of Providence kept up till the morning. The boats
by this time had all been prepared; and as the captain and
officers were coming upon the poop or roof of our prison, to
abandon the ship, the water being then up to the coamings of
the hatchways, we again implored his mercy; upon which he sent
the corporal and an armourer down to let some of us out of
irons, but three only were suffered to go up, and the scuttle
being then clapped on, and the master-at-arms upon it, the
armourer had only time to let two persons out of irons, the
rest, except three, letting themselves out; two of these three
went down with them on their hands, and the third was picked
up. She now began to heel over to port so very much, that the
master-at-arms, sliding overboard, and leaving the scuttle
vacant, we all tried to get up, and I was the last out but
three. The water was then pouring in at the bulk-head
scuttles, yet I succeeded in getting out, and was scarcely in
the sea when I could see nothing above it but the cross-trees,
and nothing around me but a scene of the greatest distress. I
took a plank (being stark-naked) and swam towards an island
about three miles off, but was picked up on my passage by one
of the boats. When we got ashore to the small sandy key, we
found there were thirty-four men drowned, four of whom were
prisoners, and among these was my unfortunate messmate (Mr.
Stewart); ten of us, and eighty-nine of the _Pandora's_ crew,
were saved.

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