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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 11 by Robert Kerr

R >> Robert Kerr >> A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 11




Since it appears, from what has been already said, that all our future
expeditions to the South Seas must run a considerable risk of proving
abortive, while we remain under the necessity of touching at Brazil
in our passage thither, the discovery of some place more to the
southward, where ships might refresh, and supply themselves with the
necessary sea stock for their passage round Cape Horn, would relieve
us from this embarrassment, and would surely be a matter worthy of
the attention of the public. Neither does this seem difficult to be
effected, as we already have an imperfect knowledge of two places,
which might perhaps prove, on examination, extremely convenient for
this purpose. One of these is Pepy's Island, in the latitude of 47 deg.
S. and laid down by Dr Bailey about eighty leagues to the eastward
of Cape Blanco, on the coast of Patagonia.[1] The other is Falkland's
Islands, in lat. 51 deg. 30' S.[2] nearly south of Pepy's Island.

[Footnote 1: Isla Grande, supposed to be the Pepy's Island discovered
by Cowley, is in lat. 46 deg. 34' S. and is placed by Mr Dalrymple in
long. 46 deg. 40' W. while the illustrious navigator Cook makes its long.
35 deg. 40' W. a difference of longitude of no less than eleven degrees.]

[Footnote 2: The centre of Falkland's Islands is in 51 deg. 45' S.
Janson's Islands, the most north-westerly of the group, or the
Sebaldines, is in 51 deg.; and Beauchene's Isle, the most southerly, in
53 deg. S.--E.]

The first of these was discovered by Captain Cowley in 1683, during
his voyage round the world, and is represented by that navigator as a
commodious place for ships to wood and water at, being provided with a
good and capacious harbour, where a thousand sail of ships might ride
at anchor in great safety, being also the resort of vast numbers of
fowls; and as its shores consist of either rocks or sands, it seems
to promise great plenty of fish. Falkland's Islands have been seen by
many navigators, both French and English. It is laid down by Frezier,
in his chart of the extremity of South America, under the name of
the New Islands. Woods Rogers, who ran along the N.E. coasts of these
islands in 1708, says they extend about two degrees in length,[3] and
appeared with gentle descents from hill to hill, seeming to be good
ground, interspersed with woods, and not destitute of harbours.

[Footnote 3: The west extremity of this group is in long. 62 deg. W. and
the east extremity in 56 deg. 43' W. so that their extent is 5 deg. 12' in
difference of longitude.--E.]

Either of these places, being islands at a considerable distance from
the continent, may be supposed, from their latitude, to be situated
in a sufficiently temperate climate. They are both, it is true, too
little known at present to be recommended as the most eligible
places of refreshment for ships bound to the South Seas: But, if the
admiralty should think proper to order them to be surveyed, which
might be done at a very small expence, by a vessel fitted out on
purpose; and if, on examination, either one or both should appear
proper for serving the end in view, it is scarcely possible to
conceive how exceedingly important so convenient a station might
prove, so far to the southward, and so near Cape Horn. The Duke and
Duchess of Bristol, under Woods Rogers, were only thirty-five days
from losing sight of Falkland's Islands to their arrival at Juan
Fernandez, in the South Sea; and, as the return back is much
facilitated by the western winds, a voyage might doubtless be made
from Falkland's Islands to Juan Fernandez and back again in little
more than two months. Even in time of peace, this station might be of
great consequence to the nation; and in time of war, would render us
masters of those seas.

As all discoveries of this kind, though extremely honourable to
those who direct and promote them, may yet be carried on at an
inconsiderable expence, since small vessels are much the most proper
to be employed in this service, it were greatly to be wished that
the whole coasts of Patagonia, Terra del Fuego, and Staten-Land, were
carefully surveyed, and the numerous channels, roads, harbours, and
islands, in which they abound, accurately examined, described, and
represented. This might open to us vast facilities for passing into
the South Seas, such as hitherto we have no knowledge of, and would
render the whole of that southern navigation greatly more secure than
it is at present: Particularly as exact draughts of the western coast
of Patagonia, from the Straits of Magellan to the Spanish settlements,
might furnish us with better and more convenient ports for
refreshment, and better situated, both for the purposes of war and
commerce, than Juan Fernandez, as being above a fornight's sail nearer
to Falkland's Islands.

The discovery of this coast was formerly thought of so much
importance, by reason of its neighbourhood to the _Araucos_ and other
Indians of Chili, who are generally at war, or at least on ill
terms, with the Spaniards, that, in the reign of Charles II. Sir John
Narborough was purposely fitted out to survey the Straits of Magellan,
the neighbouring coast of Patagonia, and the Spanish ports on that
frontier, with directions, if possible, to procure some intercourse
with the Chilese Indians, and to establish a commerce and lasting
correspondence with them. His majesty's views, on this occasion, were
not solely directed to the advantage he might hope to receive from an
alliance with these savages, in restraining and intimidating the king
of Spain, but he even conceived, independent of these considerations,
that an immediate traffic with these Indians might prove highly
advantageous to the nation; for it is well known that Chili, at its
first discovery by the Spaniards, abounded in vast quantities of
gold, much beyond what it has ever produced since it came into their
possession. Hence it has been generally believed, that the richest
mines are carefully concealed by the Indians, as well knowing that
their discovery would excite in the Spaniards a greater thirst for
conquest and tyranny, and would render their own independence more
precarious. But, in regard to their commerce with the English, could
that be established, these reasons would no longer influence them;
since it would be in our power to supply them with arms and ammunition
of all kinds, together with many other conveniences, which their
intercourse with the Spaniards has taught them to relish. They would
then, in all probability, open their mines, and gladly embrace a
traffic of such mutual advantage to both nations: For their gold,
instead of proving an incitement to enslave them, would then procure
them weapons with which to assert their liberty, to chastise their
tyranny, and to secure themselves for ever from falling under the
Spanish yoke; while, with our assistance, and under our protection,
they might become a considerable people, and might secure to us that
wealth, which was formerly most mischievously lavished by the house of
Austria, and lately by the house of Bourbon, in pursuit of universal
monarchy.

It is true, that Sir John Narborough did not succeed in opening this
commerce, which promised, in appearance, so many advantages to
the nation: But his disappointment was merely accidental; and his
transactions on that coast, besides the many advantages he furnished
to geography and navigation, are rather an encouragement for future
trials of this kind, than any objection against them. His principal
misfortune was in losing a small bark that accompanied him, and having
some of his people trepanned at Baldivia. It even appeared, by the
fears and precautions of the Spaniards, that they were fully convinced
of the practicability of the scheme he was sent to execute, and were
extremely alarmed with apprehensions for its consequences. It is
said that Charles II. was so far prepossessed with the belief of the
advantages that might redound to the public from this expedition, and
was so eager to be informed of the event, on receiving intelligence of
Sir John Narborough passing through the Downs on his return, that he
had not patience to wait till his arrival at court, but went himself
in his barge to meet him at Gravesend.

The two most famous charts hitherto published, [i.e. in 1745,] of
the southern parts of South America, are those of Dr Halley, in his
General Chart of the Magnetic Variation, and of Frezier, in his Voyage
to the South Seas. Besides these, there is a chart of the Straits of
Magellan and some parts of the adjacent coast, by Sir John Narborough,
which is doubtless infinitely more exact in that part than Frezier's,
and even in some parts superior to Halley's, particularly in regard to
the longitudes of different places in these straits. We were in some
measure capable of correcting, by our own observations, the coast from
Cape Blanco to Terra del Fuego, and thence to the Straits of Le
Maire, as we ranged along that coast, generally in sight of land. The
position of the land to the northward of the Straits of Magellan, on
the western side of Patagonia, is doubtless laid down very imperfectly
in our charts; and yet I believe it to be much nearer the truth than
any hitherto published; as it was drawn from the information of some
of the crew of the Wager, which was shipwrecked on that coast; and
as it pretty nearly agrees with what I have seen in some Spanish
manuscripts. The channel, called Whale Sound, dividing Terra del
Fuego, towards the western extremity of the Straits of Magellan, was
represented by Frezier; but Sir Francis Drake, who first discovered
Cape Horn, and the south-west parts of Terra del Fuego, observed that
the whole coast was indented by a great number of inlets, all of which
he conceived to communicate with the Straits of Magellan: And I do
not doubt, when this country shall be thoroughly examined, that this
conjecture will be verified, and that Terra del Fuego will be found to
consist of several islands.

I must not omit warning all future navigators against relying on the
longitude of the Straits of Le Maire, or of any part of that coast,
as laid down by Frezier; the whole being from eight to ten degrees
too far to the eastward, if any faith can be given to the concurrent
evidences of a great number of journals, verified, in some
particulars, by astronomical observations. For instance, Sir John
Narborough places Cape Virgin Mary in long. 65 deg. 42' W. from the
Lizard, or about 71 deg. 20' from London. The ships of our squadron,
taking their departure from St Catharines, where the longitude was
rectified by an observation of an eclipse of the moon, found Cape
Virgin Mary to be from 70 deg. 15' to 72 deg. 30' W. from London, according to
their different reckonings; and, as there were no circumstances in
our run that could Tender it considerably erroneous, it cannot be
estimated in less than 71 deg. W. from London;[4] whereas Frezier makes
it only 66 deg. W. from Paris, which is little more than 63 deg. from London.
Again, our squadron found the difference of longitude between Cape
Virgin Mary and the Straits of Le Maire to be not more than 2 deg. 30',
while Frezier makes the difference nearly 4 deg.,[5] by which he enlarged
the coast, from the Straits of Magellan to the Straits of Le Maire, to
near double its real extent.[6]

[Footnote 4: Only 67 deg. 40' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 5: The Straits of Le Maire are in long. 65 deg. 30' W. so that
the difference is 2 deg. 10'.]

[Footnote 6: Some farther critical observations on the geographical
positions, as laid down by Frezier, Sir John Narborough, and Dr
Halley, are here omitted, as tending to no use or information; these
things having been since ascertained with much more accuracy.--E.]



SECTION X.

_Course from Cape Noir to the Island of Juan Fernandez._

After the mortifying disappointment of falling in with the coast of
Terra del Fuego, at Cape Noir, when we reckoned ourselves ten degrees
to the westward of it, as formerly mentioned to have happened on the
14th of April, we stood away to the S.W. till the 22d of that month,
when we were in upwards of 60 deg. S. and, by our reckoning, 6 deg. westwards
of Cape Noir. In this run, we had a series of as favourable weather
as could well be expected in that part of the world, even in a
better season of the year; so that this interval, setting aside our
disquietudes on various accounts, was by far the most eligible of any
we had enjoyed since passing the Straits of Le Maire. This moderate
weather continued, with little variation, till the evening of the
24th, when the wind began to blow fresh, and soon increased to a
prodigious storm. About midnight, the weather being very thick, we
lost sight of the other ships of the squadron, which had hitherto
kept us company, notwithstanding the violence of the preceding
storms. Neither was this our sole misfortune, for next morning, while
endeavouring to hand the top-sails, the clew-lines and bunt-lines
broke, and the sheets being half flown, every seam in the top-sails
was soon split from top to bottom. The main top-sail shook so
violently in the wind, that it carried away the top lanthorn, and
even endangered the head of the mast. At length, however, some of the
boldest of our men ventured upon the yard, and cut the sail away close
to the reefs, with the utmost hazard of their lives. At the same time,
the fore top-sail beat about the yard with so much fury, that it was
soon blown to pieces. The main-sail also blew loose, which obliged
us to lower down the yard to secure the sail; and the fore-yard also
being lowered, we lay-to under a mizen. In this storm, besides the
loss of our top-sails, we had much of our rigging broken, and lost a
main studding-sail boom out of the chains.

The weather became more moderate on the 25th at noon, which enabled us
to sway up our yards, and to repair our shattered rigging in the
best manner we could; but still we had no sight of the rest of our
squadron, neither did any of them rejoin us till after our arrival
at Juan Fernandez; nor, as we afterwards learnt, did any two of them
continue in company together. This total, and almost instantaneous
separation was the more wonderful, as we had hitherto kept together
for seven weeks, through all the reiterated tempests of this turbulent
climate. It must be owned, indeed, that we had hence room to expect
we might make our passage in a shorter time than if we had continued
together, because we could now make the best of our way, without being
retarded by the misfortunes of the other ships; but then we had the
melancholy reflection, that we were thereby deprived of the assistance
of others, and our safety depended solely on our single ship; so that,
if a plank started, or any other important accident occurred, we must
all irrecoverably perish. Or, should we happen to be driven on shore,
we had the uncomfortable prospect of ending our days on some desolate
coast, without any reasonable hope of ever getting off again; whereas,
with another ship in company, all these calamities are much less
formidable, as in every kind of danger there would always be some
probability that one ship at least might escape, and be capable of
preserving or relieving the crew of the other.

During the remainder of April, we had generally hard gales, though
every day, since the 22d, edging to the northward. On the last day
of the month, however, we flattered ourselves with the expectation of
soon terminating our sufferings, as we then found ourselves in lat.
52 deg. 13' S. which, being to the northward of the Straits of Magellan,
we were now assured that we had completed our passage, and were
arrived on the confines of the South Sea: And, as this ocean is
denominated the _Pacific_, from the equability of the seasons said to
prevail there, and the facility and security with which navigation is
there carried on, we doubted not that we should be speedily cheered
with the moderate gales, the smooth water, and the temperate air, for
which that portion of the globe is so renowned. Under the influence of
these pleasing circumstances, we hoped to experience some compensation
for the complicated sufferings, which had so constantly beset us for
the last eight weeks. Yet here we were again miserably disappointed;
for, in the succeeding month of May, our sufferings rose even to a
much higher pitch than they had ever yet done, whether we consider the
violence of the storms, the shattering of our sails and rigging, or
the diminution and weakening of our crew by deaths and sickness, and
the even threatening prospect of our utter destruction. All this will
be sufficiently evident, from the following circumstantial recital of
our diversified misfortunes.

Soon after we had passed the Straits of Le Maire, the scurvy began
to make its appearance among us, and our long continuance at sea, the
fatigue we underwent, and the various disappointments we met with, had
occasioned its spreading to such a degree, that there were but few on
board, by the latter end of April, that were not afflicted with it in
some degree; and in that month no less than forty-three died of it in
the Centurion. Although we thought the distemper had then risen to
an extraordinary height, and were willing to hope that its malignity
might abate as we advanced to the northward, we yet found, on the
contrary, that we lost near double that number in the month of May;
and, as we did not get to land till the middle of June, the mortality
went on increasing, and so prodigiously did the disease extend, that,
after the loss of above 200 men, we could not muster at the last above
six foremast-men in a watch that were capable of duty.

This disease, so frequent in long voyages, and so particularly
destructive to us, is surely the most singular and unaccountable of
any that affects the human body. Its symptoms are innumerable and
inconstant, and its progress and effects singularly irregular, for
scarcely have any two persons complaints exactly resembling each
other; and where there have been, some conformity in the symptoms,
the order of their appearance has been totally different. Though
it frequently puts on the form of many other diseases, and is not
therefore to be described by any exclusive and infallible criterions,
yet there are some symptoms which are more general than the rest, and
of more frequent and constant occurrence, and which therefore deserve
a more particular enumeration. These common appearances are large
discoloured spots dispersed over the whole surface of the body,
swelled legs, putrid gums, and, above all, an extraordinary
lassitude of the whole body, especially after any exercise, however
inconsiderable and this lassitude at last degenerates into a proneness
to swoon, and even to die, on the least exertion of strength, or even
on the least motion. This disease is usually attended, also, by a
strange dejection of spirits, with shiverings, tremblings, and
a disposition to be seized with the most dreadful terrors on the
slightest accident. Indeed it was most remarkable, in all our
reiterated experience of this malady, that whatever discouraged our
people, or at any time damped their hopes, never failed to add new
vigour to the distemper, for such usually killed those who were in the
last stages of the disease, and confined those to their hammocks who
were before capable of some kind of duty, so that it seemed as if
alacrity of mind and sanguine hopes were no small preservatives from
its fatal malignity.

But it is not easy to complete the long roll of the various
concomitants of this disease; for it often produced putrid fevers,
pleurisies, jaundice, and violent rheumatic pains, and sometimes
occasioned obstinate costiveness, which was generally attended with a
difficulty of breathing, and this was esteemed the most deadly of
all the scorbutic symptoms. At other times the whole body, but
more especially the legs, were subject to ulcers of the worst kind,
attended by rotten bones, and such a luxuriance of fungous flesh as
yielded to no remedy. The most extraordinary circumstance, and which
would scarcely be credible upon any single evidence, was, that the
scars of wounds that had been healed for many years, were forced open
again by this virulent distemper. There was a remarkable instance
of this in the case of one of the invalid soldiers on board the
Centurion, who had been wounded above fifty years before, at the
battle of the Boyne; and though he was cured soon after, and had
continued well for a great many years, yet, on being attacked by the
scurvy, his wounds broke out afresh in the progress of the disease,
and appeared as if they had never been healed. What is even still more
extraordinary, the callus of a broken bone, which had been completely
formed for a long time, was dissolved in the course of this disease,
and the fracture seemed as if it had never been consolidated. The
effects, indeed, of this disease, were in almost every instance
wonderful, for many of our people, though confined to their hammocks,
appeared to have no inconsiderable share of health, as they eat and
drank heartily, were even cheerful, talking with much seeming vigour
with a loud strong voice; and yet, on being in the least moved, though
only from one part of the ship to another, and that too in their
hammocks, they would instantly expire. Others, who have confided
in their seeming strength, and have resolved to get out of their
hammocks, have died before they could well reach the decks; neither
was it uncommon for such as were able to walk the deck, and even to
perform some kind of duty, to drop down dead in an instant, on any
attempt to act with their utmost effort; many of our people having
perished in this manner in the course of our voyage.

We struggled under this terrible disease during the greatest part of
the time of our beating round Cape Horn; and though it did not then
rage with its utmost violence, yet we buried no less than forty-three
men in the month of April, as formerly observed. We were still,
however, in hopes of seeing a period to this cruel malady, and to all
the other evils which had so constantly pursued us, when we should
have secured our passage round the Cape: but we found, to our
heavy misfortune, that the (so-called) Pacific Ocean was to us less
hospitable even than the turbulent neighbourhood of Terra del Fuego
and Cape Horn. On the 8th of May, being arrived of the island of
Socoro, on the western coast of Patagonia, [in lat. 44 deg. 50' S. long.
73 deg. 45' W.] the first rendezvous appointed for the squadron, and where
we hoped to have met with some of our consorts, we cruized for them in
that station several days. We were here not only disappointed in
our expectations of meeting our friends, which induced the gloomy
apprehensions of their having all perished, but were also perpetually
alarmed with the fear of being driven on this coast, which appeared
too craggy and irregular to give us the least prospect, in such a
case, that any of us could possibly escape immediate destruction. The
land, indeed, had a most tremendous aspect. The most distant part, far
within the country, being the mountains of the Andes, or Cordelieras,
was extremely high, and covered with snow; while the coast seemed
quite rocky and barren, and the edge of the water skirted with
precipices. In some places, indeed, we observed several deep bays
running; into the land; but their entrances were generally blocked
up by numbers of small islands; and though it was not improbable but
there might be convenient shelter in some of the bays, and proper
channels leading to them, yet, as we were utterly ignorant of the
coast, had we been driven ashore by the westerly winds, which blew
almost incessantly we could not well have avoided the loss both of the
ship and of our lives.

This continued peril which lasted above a fortnight, was greatly
aggraved by the difficulties we found in working the ship; as the
scurvy, by this time, had destroyed so great a number of our hands,
and had in some degree infected almost the whole crew. Neither did
we, as we hoped, find the winds less violent as we advanced to the
northward; for we had often prodigious squalls of wind, which split
our sails, greatly damaged our rigging, and endangered our masts.
Indeed, during much the greatest part of the time we were upon this
coast, the wind blew so hard that, in any other situation where we
had sufficient sea-room, we should certainly have lain-to; but, in the
present exigency, we were necessitated to carry both our courses and
top-sails, in order to keep clear of this lee-shore. In one of these
squalls, which was attended by several violent claps of thunder, a
sudden flash of fire darted along our decks, which dividing, exploded
with a report like that of several pistols, and wounded many of our
men and officers, marking them in different parts of their bodies.
This flame was attended by a strong, sulphurous stench, and was
doubtless of the same nature with the larger and more violent flashes
of lightning which then filled the air.

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