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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 11 by Robert Kerr

R >> Robert Kerr >> A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 11




[Footnote 1: Probably La Nablada, in lat. 18 deg. 55' N. long. 180 deg. 48'
E.]

The greatest part of my remaining people were disabled, and our ship
very leaky; and to add to our misfortunes, one of our pumps split and
became useless. Under these unhappy circumstances, we pushed forwards
with favourable gales till within 80 leagues of Guam, one of the
Ladrones, when we encountered dismal weather and tempestuous winds,
veering round the compass. This was the more frightful, as we were
unable to help ourselves, not above six or seven, being able for duty,
though necessity obliged even those who were extremely low and weak
to lend what help they could. In the boisterous sea raised by these
gales, our ship so laboured that the knee of her head, and her whole
beak-head, became loose, so that the boltsprit fetched away and played
with every motion of the ship, and so continued all the rest of
the time we were at sea. For some time our main-mast stood without
larboard shrouds, till we could unlay our best cable to make more,
having knotted and spliced the old shrouds till our labour was in
vain. In the midst of these difficulties, I was taken very ill, and
had little expectations of living much longer, till the gout gave me
some painful hopes of recovery.

In the beginning of October, we made the island of Guam, 100 leagues
short of the account given by Rogers, who makes 105 deg. of longitude
between Cape St Lucas and Guam, while we made not quite 100 deg..[2] We
passed through between Guam and Serpana, and saw several flying proas,
but none came near us that day. We had heavy and squally weather,
which obliged me to keep the deck in the rain, by which I caught a
cold, which threw me into a worse condition than before, in which I
continued all the time I was in China. Guam seemed very green and of
moderate height, and the sight of land was so pleasant after our long
run, that we would gladly have stopped to procure some refreshments,
but durst not venture in, though on the point of perishing, lest the
inhabitants should take advantage of our weakness. From Guam I shaped
our course for the island of Formosa, to which we had a long and
melancholy voyage, as our sickness daily increased; so that, on the 3d
November, when we got sight of that island, both ship and company
were almost entirely worn out. Next day we doubled the south Cape of
Formosa, passing within a league of the rocks of _Vele-Rete_, where
we were sensible of a very strong current. As we passed in sight, the
inhabitants of Formosa made continual fires on the coast, as inviting
us to land; but we were so weak that we did not deem it prudent to
venture into any of their harbours.

[Footnote 2: Rogers is however nearer the truth, the difference of
longitude being 106 deg. 42' between these two places.--E.]

We directed our course from Formosa for the neighbouring coast of
China, and found ourselves on the 6th at the mouth of the river
_Loma_,[3] in twelve fathoms water, but the weather was so hazy that
we could not ascertain where we were. Seeing abundance of fishing
boats, we tried every method we could think of to induce some of
the fishermen to come on board to pilot us to Macao, but found
this impracticable, as we could not understand each other. We were
therefore obliged to keep the land close on board, and to anchor
every evening. This was a prodigious fatigue to our men, who were so
universally ill that we could hardly find any one able to steer
the ship. We were bewildered in a mist during four days, and much
surprised by seeing a great many islands, omitted in our charts, on
some of which we saw large fortifications. This made us believe
that the current had carried us beyond our port, and occasioned much
dejection of spirits; for, though the sea was covered with fishing
boats, we could get no one to set us right, or to give us any
directions we could understand.

[Footnote 3: This name is so corrupted as to be unintelligible.--E]

Towards evening of the 10th, as we were passing through a very narrow
channel between two islands, a fisherman who was near, and observed
by our manner of working that we were afraid to venture through, waved
with his cap for us to bring to till he came to us. When he came, he
seemed to understand that we enquired for Macao, and made signs that
he would carry us there, if we gave him as many pieces of silver as
he counted little fish from his basket, which amounted to forty. We
accordingly counted out forty dollars into a hat, and gave them to
him, on which he came into our ship, and took her in charge, carrying
us through the narrow channel, and brought us to anchor at sun-set. We
weighed next morning, and kept the coast of China close on board. By
noon we were abreast of Pulo Lantoon, whence we could see two English
ships under sail, passing the island of Macao on their way from the
river of Canton. They kept on their way, taking no notice of us, which
struck a damp into our spirits, fearing we should miss a passage for
England this season. In the afternoon of next day, we anchored in
the road of Macao, near the entrance of Canton river, which we never
should have found out by any of our charts.

I was much amazed at the incorrectness with which these coasts are
laid down, to the eastwards of Pulo Lantoon; as there runs a cluster
of islands for upwards of twenty leagues in that direction, which are
not in the least noticed by any of our hydrographers, nor have I ever
met with any navigator who knew any thing about them. The coast of
China, within these islands, is rocky, mountainous, and barren;
but, owing to my heavy sickness, I was unable to make any useful
observations.



SECTION VI.

_Residence in China, and Voyage thence to England._

As Macao is the place where ships always stop for a pilot to carry
them up the river of Canton, I sent an officer with my compliments
to the governor, and with orders to bring off a pilot; but
hearing nothing of him till next morning, I was under very great
apprehensions. Next morning, a great number of the people belonging
to the Success came off to our ship, and acquainted me that Clipperton
had left me designedly. About noon this day, the 12th November,
1721, a pilot came off to us, when we immediately weighed anchor, and
immediately entered Canton river, being assured that there still were
some European ships at Wampoo, about ten miles short of Canton. We
were four days in plying up to the road between the tower bars, where
we anchored; and, finding the Bonetta and Hastings, two English
ships, I sent an officer to request their instructions how to conduct
ourselves in this port, and to acquaint us with its customs. They
answered, that the Cadogan and Francis, two English European ships,
were lying at Wampoo, and advised me to send up to the English factors
at Canton, to acquaint them with our arrival, and the reasons which
obliged us to come here. This I accordingly did next day, borrowing
one of their flags to hoist as our boat, without which we had met with
much trouble from the _Hoppo-men_, or custom-house officers. I sent
letters to the captains of the English ships, signifying the necessity
which forced me to this country, and requesting their succour and
protection; assuring them that I acted under his majesty's commission,
which also I sent, for their perusal. Next morning, being the 17th, I
weighed and worked up to Wampoo, where, besides the two English ships,
I found three belonging to France, one Ostender, and a small ship from
Manilla.

I was here in hopes of all my troubles being at an end, and that I
should have full leisure for rest and refreshment after my many and
great fatigues; but I soon found these expectations ill grounded,
and after all my perils, that I was fallen into others least to be
endured, as proceeding from false brethren. A most unlucky accident
happened the very evening that we anchored at Wampoo, which gave birth
to all the troubles I encountered in India; though, in respect to
me, both unforeseen and unavoidable, and purely the effects of that
eagerness in the ship's company to get out of this part of the world
at any rate. Had there been any government among the English settled
here, to have supported my authority, this unlucky business had never
happened; and, as it was, could only be imputed to nothing but the
want of such an establishment. One of my men, named David Griffith,
being in a hurry to remove his effects into the Bonetta's boat, in
which he was chased by a _Hoppo_ or custom-house boat; and being a
little in liquor, and fearing to lose his silver, fired a musket and
killed the Hoppo-man or custom-house officer. Early next morning, the
dead body was laid at the door of the English factory, where Chinese
officers lay in wait to seize the first Englishman that should come
out. A supercargo belonging to the Bonetta happened to be the first;
he was immediately seized and carried off, and afterwards led in
chains about the suburbs of Canton. All that could be said or done
by the most considerable Chinese merchants who were in correspondence
with the English, was of no avail. In the mean time, my man, who had
slain the Chinese officer, and another, were put in irons aboard
the Francis, which was _chopped_, or seized, till the guilty man
was delivered up. He was then carried to Canton in chains, and the
supercargo was released.

I had not been here many days, when I was deserted by all my officers
and men, who were continually employed in removing their effects from
my ship to some of the European ships, without my knowledge, I being
then confined to bed. My officers were using all their efforts to
engage the gentlemen belonging to the company in their interest, and
had only left my son and a few negroes to look after the ship, and
to defend my effects, which were on the brink of falling into the
bottomless pit of Chinese avarice; besides, they and the ship's
company had so many ways of disposing of every thing they could lay
their hands on, that I found it impossible to oblige them to do what
I thought justice to our owners: They all soon recovered from
their illness, and they all became their own masters. There were no
magistrates for me to appeal to on shore, who would aid me so far as
to compel them to remain in my ship; and the officers commanding
the English ships could not afford me the help they might have been
inclined to give, lest the supercargoes might represent their conduct
to the East India Company. And these last, who superintend the English
trade at this port, seemed even inclined to have refused me a passage
in one of their ships, and even treated me as one enemy would treat
another in a neutral port; looking on me in that light for presuming
to come within the limits of the Company, without considering the
necessity by which I had been compelled to take that step.

When Captains Hill and Newsham came to visit me, they were astonished
at the ruinous condition of my ship, and could scarcely think it
possible for her to have made so long a passage. The rottenness of her
cordage, and the raggedness of her sails, filled them with surprise
and pity for my condition. When I had given them a short history of
the voyage, and requested they would receive my officers and company,
with their effects, they at once said, That they saw plainly my ship
was in no condition to be carried any farther, and they were willing
to receive us all as soon as we pleased, on payment of our passage.
But the supercargoes were displeased that I had not applied to them,
as they are the chief men here, though only passengers when aboard; so
that I was quite neglected, and the English captains were ordered to
fall down with their ships five or six miles below where I lay. I was
thus left destitute in the company of five foreign ships; yet their
officers, seeing me deserted by my countrymen, kindly offered me their
services, and assisted me as much as they could, and without them
I know not what might have been my fate, as I was under perpetual
apprehensions that the Chinese would have seized my ship.

After the murder of the custom-house officer seemed to have been quite
forgotten, a magistrate, called a _Little Mandarin_, committed the
following outrageous action:--At the beginning of the troubles,
occasioned by that murder, he had received orders to apprehend all the
English he could find, which he neglected till all was over. He then
one day, while passing the European factories, ordered his attendants
to seize on all the English he could see in the adjoining shops, and
took hold of nine or ten, French as well as English, whom he carried,
with halters about their necks, to the palace of the _Chantock_, or
viceroy. Application was then made to the _Hoppo_, or chief customer,
who represented matters to the viceroy in favour of the injured
Europeans; on which the mandarin was sent for, and being unable to
vindicate himself was degraded from his post, subjected to the bamboo,
a severe punishment, and rendered incapable of acting again as a
magistrate; the Europeans being immediately liberated. It appears to
me, however, that the English are tyrannized over by the Chinese, and
exposed to the caprices of every magistrate, wherefore I was the more
urgent to be on board one of the European ships. I had now discovered
my error in addressing the captains, and now sent a letter to the
supercargoes, demanding a passage for myself, my officers, and
ship's company, which I was sensible they could not refuse: but their
compliance was clogged with a charge to the captains not to receive
any thing belonging to us, unless consigned to the company in England.

The hoppo now made a demand upon me for anchorage in the river,
amounting to no less than 6000 _tahel_, and, to quicken the payment,
annexed a penalty to this extortion of 500 _tahel_ for every day
the payment was delayed. There were no means to avoid this gross
imposition; and though a day necessarily elapsed before I could
send up the money, I had to add the penalty of that day, so that he
received 6500 _tahel_, or L. 2166:13:4 sterling;[4] being about six
times as much as was paid for the Cadogan, the largest English ship
there at the time, and which measured a third larger than mine. I soon
after sold my ship for 2000 tahel, or L. 666, 13s. 4d. sterling, which
money was consigned to the India Company, along with all the rest of
my effects, and I prevailed on most of my officers and men to take
their passage in the English homeward-bound ships.

[Footnote 4: At these proportions, the Chinese _tahel_ is exactly 6s.
8d. sterling.--E.]

Considering my short stay in China, and my bad health, I cannot be
expected to give any tolerable account of this place from my own
observation, and to copy others would be inconsistent with the purpose
of this narrative, so that I shall only observe, that the English, at
this time, had no settled factory at Canton, being only permitted
to hire large houses, called _hongs_, with convenient warehouses
adjoining, for receiving their goods previous to their shipment. For
these they pay rent to the proprietors, and either hire the same or
others, as they think proper, next time they have occasion for the
accommodation.

Notwithstanding my utmost diligence, the business I was engaged in
kept me in a continual hurry till the ships were ready to depart,
which was in December, 1721: At which time, heartily tired of the
country, and the ill usage I had met with, I sailed in the Cadogan,
Captain John Hall, in company with the Francis, Captain Newsham; and
as the latter ship sailed much better than the Cadogan, she left us
immediately after getting out to sea. Finding his ship very tender, or
crank, Captain Hill put in at Batavia, to get her into better trim. We
continued here about ten days; but I can say little about that place,
being all the time unable to stand on my legs, and was only twice out
in a coach to take the air, two or three miles out of the city, in
which little excursion I saw a great variety of beautiful prospects of
fine country seats and gardens, and, indeed, every thing around shewed
the greatest industry. The buildings in the city are generally very
handsome, and laid out in very regular streets, having canals running
through most of them, with trees planted on each side, so that Batavia
may justly be called a fine city: But the sight is the only sense that
is gratified here, for the canals smell very offensively when the tide
is low, and breed vast swarms of muskitoes, which are more troublesome
here than in any place I was ever in.

A great part of the inhabitants of Batavia are Chinese, who are
remarkable for wearing there their ancient dress, having their hair
rolled up in such a manner that there is little difference in that
respect between the men and women. Ever since the revolution in China,
which brought that country under the Tartar yoke, the Tartarian
dress has been imposed upon the whole kingdom, which was not
effected without great bloodshed: For many of the Chinese were
so superstitiously attached to their ancient modes, that they
unaccountably chose rather to lose their lives than their hair; as the
Tartar fashion is to shave the head, except a long lock on the crown,
which they plait in the same manner we do. The Dutch, taking advantage
of this superstitious attachment of the Chinese to their hair, exact
from all the men who live under their protection, a poll-tax of a
dollar a month for the liberty of wearing their hair, which produces a
very considerable revenue.

Hearing at Batavia that there were several pirates in these seas,
Captain Hill joined the Dutch homeward-bound fleet in Bantam bay, and
the Dutch commodore promised to assist Captain Hill in wooding and
watering at _Mew_ island, the water at Batavia being very bad. We fell
in with the Francis in the Straits of Sunda, though we imagined that
ship had been far a-head. The Dutch made this a pretence for leaving
us before we got to Mew island, and Captain Newsham also deserted
us, so that we were left alone. We continued six or seven days at
Mew island, during which time several boats came to us from Prince's
island, and brought us turtle, cocoa-nuts, pine-apples, and other
fruits. From Mew island we had a very pleasant voyage to and about the
Cape of Good Hope. By the good management of Captain Hill, although
the Francis and the Dutch ships had the start of us seven days, by
deserting us in the Straits of Sunda, we yet got to the cape seven
days before the Francis, though she sailed considerably better than
we. By comparing notes with the officers of the Francis, we found that
she had suffered a good deal of bad weather off the south of Africa,
while we, by keeping about ten leagues nearer shore, continually
enjoyed pleasant weather and a fair wind, till we anchored in Table
Bay, which we did towards the end of March, 1722.

We here found Governor Boon and others, bound for England in the
London Indiaman. We had a pleasant voyage from the cape to St Helena,
and thence to England, arriving off the Land's-end towards the close
of July. On coming into the British channel we had brisk gales from
the west, with thick foggy weather. In the evening of the 30th July we
anchored under Dungeness, and that same night some of the supercargoes
and passengers, among whom I was one, hired a small vessel to carry
us to Dover, where we arrived the next morning early. The same day we
proceeded for London, and arrived there on the 1st August, 1722. Thus
ended a long, fatiguing, and unfortunate voyage, of _three years,
seven months, and eleven days_, in which I had sailed considerably
more than round the circumference of the globe, and had undergone a
great variety of troubles and hardships by sea and land.



SECTION VII.

_Supplement to the foregoing Voyage._

In the Collection of Harris, besides interweaving several
controversial matters respecting this voyage, from an account of it by
one Betagh, who was captain of marines in the Speedwell, a long series
of remarks on the conduct of Shelvocke by that person, are appended.
Neither of these appear to possess sufficient interest, at this
distance of time, almost a century, to justify their insertion in
our collection, where they would have very uselessly occupied a
considerable space. Captain Betagh appears to have been actuated by
violent animosity against Captain Shelvocke, whose actions he traduced
and misrepresented with the utmost malignity, the innocent cause of
his having suffered captivity among the Spaniards in South America,
of which some account will be found in the subsequent section. Of
all these charges, we have only deemed it expedient to insert the
following statement of the circumstances connected with the capture
of the Conception, as related by Betagh, which Harris, I. 230,
characterizes as "a very extraordinary piece of recent history, and
seemingly supported by evidence;" but at this distance of time we have
no means of ascertaining to which side the truth belongs.--_Ed._

"This being the great crisis of the voyage, I shall be more particular
in relating the affair of this last prize. This ship was named the
Conception, Don _Stephen de Recova_ commander,[1] bound from Calao to
Panama, having on board several persons of distinction, particularly
the Conde de la Rosa, who had been some time governor of Pisco,
and was now going to Spain, laden with flour, sugar, marmalade, _et
cetera_. Now, be it known to all men, that the _et cetera_ was 108,630
pieces of eight, or Spanish dollars: And Shelvocke little thought,
when he took this prize, or compiled his book, that I, of all men,
should have the exact state of this affair. He often said that he
would give the gentlemen owners a fair account; and I have often
promised to prove that he did say so. We have now both made our
words good, and I have not only an authentic account, but I will also
declare how I got it.

[Footnote 1: Shelvocke who certainly ought to have known best, names
the ship the Conception de Recova, and her commander Don Joseph
Desorio.--E.]

"When I was carried prisoner to Lima, I had sufficient leisure to
reflect on my misfortunes, and how likely I was to be ruined and
the owners cheated; wherefore, to prepare them to defend their just
rights, I wrote to one of them the substance of what had occurred
to me; how Shelvocke had mismanaged; how arbitrarily he had acted in
defiance of their articles, and what were his private intentions in
the latter part of the voyage. As soon as I came to London, which was
in October, 1721, I confirmed the report of my letter with several
new circumstances; for all which performance of my duty, it is, as
I suppose, that my name has met with so much reproach in Captain
Shelvocke's book. But, besides my advices, the gentlemen owners had
many proofs from prisoners and other people. Eleven months after me,
being August, 1722, Shelvocke himself arrived, and immediately waited
on the gentlemen in the lump for all his transactions; not owning any
thing of this prize, which he had unlawfully shared, with every thing
else, among twenty-three of his men. Instead of compromising the
matter, the gentlemen read him a letter, secured him, and had him
the same day confined in _Wood-street Compter_. A few days after, his
pupil, Stewart, arrived at Dover, and was seized by the honest warden
of the castle, according to directions, securing also his book of
accounts, and brought it along with the prisoner to the owners, from
whom I had the book, and copied from it the following statement of the
dividends:--

Names. Quality Number Dollars Eng.
of Money.
Shares

George Shelvocke Captain 6 14,325 2642 10 0
Samuel Rundal Lieutenant 2-1/2|
John Rainer Cap. Marines 2-1/2|
Blowfield Coldsea Master 2-1/2|---4718 1100 17 4
Nicholas Adams Surgeon 2-1/2| each
Mathew Stewart First mate 2|
Monsieur La Porte Second mate 2|
George Henshall Boatswain 2|-------3775 880 16 8
Robert Davenport Carpenter 2| each
William Clark Gunner 2|
James Daniel Midshipman 1-1/2|
David Griffith Ditto 1-1/2|
Christopher Hawkins Ditto 1-1/2|
Oliver Lefevre Sail-maker 1-1/2|
John Doydge Surgeon's |
mate 1-1/2|
William Morgan Ditto 1-1/2|---2850 660 0 0
John Popplestone Armourer 1-1/2| each
James Moyett Cooper 1-1/2|
John Pearson Carpenter's 1-1/2|
mate |
Geo. Shelvocke, jun. 1-1/2|
William Clement Able seaman 1|
John Norris Ditto 1|
James Moulville Ditto 1|
George Gill Ditto 1|
Peter Fero Ditto 1|-------1887-1/4 440 7 2
John Smith Ditto 1| each
Edward Alcocke Ditto 1|
John Theobald Barber 1|
William Burrows Old seaman 3/4
Daniel M'Donald Ditto 3/4
Richard Croft Ditto 3/4
John Robbins Grommet, 1/2|
or boy |----943-1/4 220 4 2
Benedict Harry Cook 1/2| each
------------------------------------------------------------------
33 persons in all 52-1/4 98,604-2/3 23,007 15 6

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