A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. 5 by Robert Kerr
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Robert Kerr >> A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. 5
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While matters seemed fast tending to this extremity, several of the most
judicious persons went to Gonzalo Pizarro, and requested of him to
reflect that the licentiate Carvajal was one of the principal persons in
the country, and that his brother had been already unjustly put to
death by the viceroy, under pretence of the licentiate having joined the
party of Pizarro. They urged that it was exceedingly imprudent at this
time to put the licentiate to death, as that would necessarily renew the
discontents which had formerly taken place on the death of his brother
the commissary. They even added, that much good service might be
expected from the licentiate, were it only in pursuit of revenge for the
death of his brother. They insisted that neither the licentiate nor any
of the other prisoners had any hand in the flight of Vaca de Castro; but
that it might easily be seen that the slightest pretexts were resorted
to on purpose to accuse them, who were already under suspicion as
disaffected to the ruling party. Teased and fatigued by these
solicitations, Gonzalo Pizarro refused to be spoken to on the subject;
so that the licentiate and his friends were induced to try another
expedient for his release. They conveyed to the lieutenant-general an
ingot of gold weighing forty marks[12], with a promise of a much larger
present if he would save the life of the licentiate. The
lieutenant-general accepted their offers, delayed the execution of the
licentiate, and prevailed on Gonzalo Pizarro to set him and all the
other suspected persons at liberty.
[Footnote 12: The weight of this is 820 ounces, which at L. 4 an ounce
comes to L. 1280, and was then worth as much as L. 7680 is in efficient
value.--E]
After the conclusion of this business, measures were taken for the
dispatch of Texada and Maldonado; and at this time there happened to
arrive a brigantine from Arequipa, which was fitted out along with some
other vessels, and armed with a part of the artillery which had been
brought down from Cuzco. In these vessels Bachicao embarked along with
the deputies, accompanied by sixty musqueteers, who were all that could
be prevailed upon to undertake the voyage. They proceeded on their
voyage along the coast to the northwards, and arrived one morning early
at Tumbez, where they understood the viceroy then resided. Immediately
on their being perceived making for the coast, the adherents of the
viceroy gave the alarm and stood on their defence: But as the viceroy
believed that Gonzalo Pizarro was on board in person accompanied by a
formidable body of troops, he retired in all haste from Tumbez
accompanied by an hundred and fifty men, taking the road for Quito.
Several of his people however did not think fit to accompany his flight,
and preferred giving themselves up to Bachicao, who likewise took
possession of two ships which happened to be in the port of Tumbez. From
thence, Bachicao went to Puerto Viejo and other places, where he drew
together about an hundred and fifty men, all of whom he took along with
him in the ships of his squadron. Among these were Bartholomew Perez,
and Juan Delmos, respectable inhabitants of Puerto Viejo.
Continuing his voyage towards Panama, Bachicao put in at the Isle of
Pearls, about twenty leagues from Panama to procure refreshments. While
at that place, the inhabitants of Panama received notice of his arrival,
and sent two deputies to learn his intentions, requesting at the same
time that he would not come into their boundaries with his troops.
Bachicao sent back word, that although he happened to be accompanied by
armed men, it was merely on purpose to defend himself against the
viceroy, and that he had not the most distant intention of injuring or
even displeasing the inhabitants of Panama. He informed them, that he
was entrusted with the transport of the Doctor Texada, one of the royal
judges, who was charged with a commission from the court of audience to
give an account to his majesty of the events which had occurred in Peru.
He farther declared that he should only land in Panama to provide
necessaries for his voyage back to Peru, and would reimbark without
delay. Lulled into security by these assurances, the inhabitants of
Panama took no measures for defence. On coming into the port, two ships
which happened to be there, made sail to go away; one of which was taken
possession of by one of the brigantines belonging to Bachicao, and
brought back to the harbour, with the master and chief mate hanging from
the yard arms. This sad spectacle gave great uneasiness to the
inhabitants, who judged from this tragical event, that the purposes of
Bachicao were very different from his words and promises. But it was not
now time to think of defence, and they were constrained to submit,
though filled with terror and dismay, leaving their lives and properties
entirely at the discretion of Bachicao, who was no less cruel than the
lieutenant-general Carvajal, or even more so if possible; being at the
same time exceedingly addicted to cursing and blasphemy, and among all
his vices not a single spark of virtue could be found to relieve the
picture.
At this time Captain Juan de Gusman was in Panama raising soldiers for
the service of the viceroy; but he found it advisable to retire on the
arrival of Bachicao, with whom all these soldiers now inlisted. Bachicao
likewise got possession of the artillery which had belonged to the
vessel in which Vaca de Castro escaped from Lima. Seeing himself master
of Panama, Bachicao who was a brutal passionate fellow, exercised the
command there in a cruel and tyrannical manner, disposing at his will of
the goods and properties of every one, violating every rule of law and
justice, oppressing the liberties of the community, and holding every
individual under such slavish constraint, that no one dared to act
otherwise than as he pleased to dictate. Learning or suspecting that two
of his captains had formed the design of putting him to death, he
ordered them both to be beheaded without any form of trial; and in
similar acts of injustice, and in every transaction, he used no other
formality than ordering it to be intimated by the public crier, "That
Captain Ferdinand Bachicao had ordained such and such to be done." He
thus usurped supreme and absolute authority, paying not the smallest
regard to the laws, or even to the external forms of justice.
The licentiate Vaca de Castro, who was at Panama when Bachicao arrived,
fled immediately across the isthmus to Nombre de Dios on the Atlantic,
where he embarked accompanied by Diego Alvarez de Cueto and Jerom
Zurbano. Doctor Texada and Francisco Maldonado escaped likewise to the
same port, where they all embarked together for Spain. Texada died on
the voyage while passing the Bahamas. On their arrival in Spain,
Moldonado and Cueto went directly to Germany, where the emperor Don
Carlos then was, where each gave an account of the business with which
they were entrusted. Vaca de Castro remained for some time at Tercera in
the Azores; whence he went to Lisbon, and afterwards to the court of
Spain; alleging that he did not dare to go by way of Seville, on account
of the influence in that place of the brothers relations and friends of
Juan Tello, whom he had put to death after the defeat of the younger
Almagro. On his arrival at court, De Castro was put under arrest in his
own house by order of the council of the Indies. He was afterwards
brought to trial on a variety of accusations, in the course of which he
was kept prisoner for five years in the citadel of Arevalo. He was
afterwards removed to a private house in Simanca, from which he was not
permitted to go out: And in consequence of a subsequent revolution in
the court of Spain, he was allowed to remain a prisoner at large in the
city and territory of Valladolid, till his cause was finally adjuged
[13].
[Footnote 13: We learn from Garcilasso, that Vara de Castro was in the
end honourably acquitted, and that in the year 1461, when Garcilasso was
at Madrid, De Castro was senior member of the council of the Indies. His
son, Don Antonio, was made knight of St. Jago, and had a grant of lands
and Indians in Peru to the extent of 20,000 pieces of eight yearly.--E.]
On the flight of the viceroy from Tumbez with an hundred and fifty men,
as before related, in consequence of the arrival of Bachicao, he retired
to Quito, where he was honourably received. In this place he increased
his force to two hundred men, and finding the country fertile and
abounding in provisions, he determined to remain there till he might
receive ulterior orders from his majesty, in reply to the informations
he had transmitted by Diego Alvarez de Cueto. In the mean time he
appointed strong guards to defend the passes in the mountains, and
stationed spies on the different roads, that he might have early
intimation of the procedure of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, which is three
hundred leagues from Quito. About this time four soldiers belonging to
Gonzalo deserted on account of some injurious treatment, and seized a
small bark in the port of Lima, in which they sailed northwards to a
place where they landed, and whence they travelled by land to Quito. On
their arrival, they represented to the viceroy, that the inhabitants of
Lima and other places were exceedingly discontented by the conduct of
Gonzalo, who subjected them to the most harassing and vexatious tyranny,
driving them from their houses, and despoiling them of their goods, so
that many of the colonists were reduced to depend on other persons for
their subsistence. That Gonzalo imposed such burthensome contributions
on the whole inhabitants, that they were unable to endure them; and that
all were so weary of his tyranny, that they would gladly join any person
who might come among them in the name of the king, to relieve them from
the cruel oppression and tyrannous violence of the usurper. In
consequence of this statement, the viceroy was induced to march from
Quito towards San Miguel, appointing to the command of his troops one
Diego de Occampo, an inhabitant of Quito, who had joined him on his
arrival at Tumbez, and had expended large sums in his service from his
own private fortune.
The licentiate Alvarez always accompanied the viceroy, and these two
established themselves as the court of royal audience, in virtue of a
commission from his majesty which the viceroy still held. By this royal
order, the viceroy was authorised after his arrival at Lima, to hold
audience in conjunction with two or one of the oydors who might first
arrive, or even in case that any two or three of them should chance to
die. In pursuance of this authority, the viceroy ordered a new seal to
be made, which he committed to the custody of Juan de Leon, alcalde or
police judge of Lima, who had been nominated by the Marquis of Camarosa,
grand-chancellor of the Indies, as his deputy or chancellor of the
audience of Lima. De Leon had fled from Gonzalo Pizarro, and had joined
the viceroy at Quito. In consequence of this arrangement, the viceroy
issued such orders and proclamations as seemed needful or expedient, in
the name of the emperor Don Carlos; authenticating them with the royal
seal, and by the signatures of himself and the licentiate Alvarez. By
these means there were two royal audiences in Peru, one at the city of
Lima, and the other wherever the viceroy happened to reside; so that it
frequently happened that two opposite and contradictory decrees were
pronounced and promulgated, in one and the same cause.
On taking the resolution of marching from Quito, the viceroy sent his
brother-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cueto, to inform his majesty of the
state of affairs, and to solicit such reinforcements as might enable him
to re-establish his authority in Peru, by waging war against Gonzalo
Pizarro. Cueto went accordingly to Spain in the same fleet with Vaca de
Castro and Texada, as already related. The viceroy advanced southwards
to San Miguel, which is an hundred and fifty leagues from Quito,
determining to remain at that place till he might receive farther orders
from his majesty. The inhabitants of San Miguel gave him the best
reception in their power, and furnished him as far as they were able
with every thing he was in want of. He continually kept his small army
on foot, to preserve the honour and reputation of his character as
viceroy, and that he might be in a convenient situation for receiving
such reinforcements as might come from Spain or from any of the American
colonies; as every one coming by land from these quarters must
necessarily pass by the way of San Miguel, especially if accompanied by
horses or beasts of burthen. He expected therefore to be able in this
place to collect reinforcements to his army, so as to be in condition to
renew the war, and employed himself to collect men, horses, and arms, so
that he was soon at the head of five hundred men, tolerably equipped.
Some of these indeed were in want of defensive armour, which they
endeavoured to supply by fabricating cuirasses of iron, and of hard
leather.
At the time when Gonzalo Pizarro sent Bachicao with the brigantines to
get possession of the ships belonging to the viceroy, he dispatched
Gonzalo Diaz de Pinera and Jerom de Villegas to collect the soldiers who
dwelt in Truxillo and San Miguel, that they might make head against the
viceroy in the north of Peru. These officers remained in San Miguel with
about eighty men whom they had drawn to their party, till they heard of
the approach of the viceroy; on which, not being in sufficient force to
oppose him, they retreated towards Truxillo, and established themselves
in the province of _Collique_, about forty leagues[14] from San Miguel.
From thence they sent intimation to Gonzalo of the advance of the
viceroy, and that his army increased daily in numbers, insomuch that it
behoved him to think of some appropriate measures to avert the
threatened danger. Diaz and Villegas were likewise informed that the
viceroy had sent Juan de Pereira, one of his officers, into the province
of Chachapoyas, in which there were very few Spanish settlers, to
endeavour to collect reinforcements. As they believed that Pereira and
his followers entertained no suspicions of their being in the
neighbourhood, Diaz and Villegas determined on attempting to surprize
them, which they did so effectually one night, that they made the whole
party prisoners without resistance. Having beheaded Pereira and two of
his principal followers, they obliged the rest of the party, about sixty
horsemen, to enter into the service of Gonzalo, by threats of putting
them all to death if they refused; after which they returned to their
post.
[Footnote 14: The distance in the text is probably a mistake for
_fourteen_ leagues, as about that distance to the S.E. of San Miguel
there is a river named _Chola_, which may have given name to the
district or valley in which it runs.--E.]
The viceroy was greatly incensed by this untoward event, and determined
to seek an opportunity of revenge. With this view he departed secretly
from San Miguel with a body of an hundred and fifty horse, and took such
judicious measures that he arrived one night undiscovered at _Collique,_
where he surprized the enemy, and obliged them to fly in all directions.
Diaz made his escape almost alone into a district inhabited by hostile
Indians, who assailed him and put him to death. Villegas and Ferdinand
Alvarado were more fortunate in their escape, as they were able to
collect some of their dispersed troops, with whom they took up a new and
more secure position not far from Truxillo, and at a safer distance from
San Miguel.
As Gonzalo Pizarro was informed that the viceroy augmented his army
from time to time, more especially after this successful enterprize, he
resolved to march against him without delay; as hardly a day passed in
which the viceroy was not joined by soldiers, horses, and arms from
Spain, or some of the American colonies, all of which were landed at the
port of Tumbez. He was likewise in dread lest some dispatch might arrive
from the emperor, favourable to the viceroy, by which his own adherents
might be intimidated, and numbers might be induced to change sides. With
this view he assembled his army, determined to march in person against
the viceroy, and if possible to bring him to action. He issued therefore
the proper orders to all his officers, reviewed and mustered his troops,
advanced them the necessary funds for taking the field, and sent off the
baggage, artillery, ammunition and provisions, with the main body of the
army towards Truxillo, remaining behind at Lima with some of his
principal officers, to follow in proper time. About this time a vessel
arrived from Arequipa with a very seasonable supply of 100,000 crowns;
and another vessel from Tierra Firma, belonging to Gonzalo Martel, sent
by his wife to enable him to return home. The arrival of these two
vessels was very opportune for Gonzalo Pizarro, as they served to
transport great quantities of musquets, pikes, ammunition, and other
implements of war, together with a guard of an hundred and fifty men,
and greatly facilitated the intended expedition against the viceroy.
On quitting Lima, Gonzalo Pizarro thought proper to take the oydor
Cepeda and Juan de Caceres the accountant-general along with him, both
to give the more eclat and appearance of legal authority to his
measures, and on purpose to break up the court of royal audience, as
Ortiz de Zarate would then be the only judge remaining at Lima, who was
not thought of much importance, as he was in bad health. Besides, Blas
de Soto, his brother, had married the daughter of that judge; and
although that marriage had been effected contrary to the wish of Ortiz,
it was considered as some tie upon his conduct. For greater security,
however, Gonzalo used the precaution of carrying the royal seal along
with him. Gonzalo Pizarro chose to go by sea; and on leaving Lima, he
appointed Lorenzo de Aldana as lieutenant-governor of that city, with a
garrison of eighty soldiers, to preserve tranquillity during his
absence. This small number was considered sufficient to prevent any
attempt towards a revolutionary movement, as most of the inhabitants of
Lima accompanied the expedition. Gonzalo embarked in March 1545, and
landed at the port of Santa, fifteen leagues south from Truxillo, at
which city he arrived on Palm Sunday. He remained at this place for some
time, waiting the junction of his troops, sending messages in various
directions to expedite their march. After some time, he marched from
Truxillo into the province of Collique, where the whole of his army
assembled. At this place he reviewed his army, which amounted to above
six hundred horse and foot. The troops under the viceroy were nearly as
numerous; but those under Gonzalo were much better armed, and better
supplied with every thing requisite for war, as well as being all
veteran soldiers, accustomed to war and discipline, and well acquainted
with all the difficult passes of the country. The troops of the viceroy
on the contrary, had for the most part come recently from Spain, were
quite unaccustomed to war, and ill armed; besides which their powder was
bad in quality.
Gonzalo used every effort to collect provisions and all kinds of
necessaries for his army, more especially as he had to pass through a
desert country which intervened between the province of Motupe[15] and
the city of San Miguel, a distance of twenty-two leagues without any
inhabitants, and entirely destitute of water or other means of
refreshment, consisting every where of burning sands without shelter
from the heat of the sun and almost under the equinoctial line. As this
march was necessarily attended with much inconvenience and difficulty,
Gonzalo used every proper precaution that his troops might be supplied
abundantly with water and other necessaries. For this purpose all the
neighbouring Indians were ordered to bring a prodigious quantity of jars
and other vessels calculated to contain water. The soldiers were ordered
to leave at Motupe all their clothes and baggage of which they were not
in immediate want, which were to be brought forward by the Indians.
Above all things, it was taken care that a sufficiency of water should
accompany the army, both for the troops, and for the horses and other
animals. Every thing being in readiness, Gonzalo sent forwards a party
of twenty-five horsemen by the ordinary road through the desert, that
they might be observed by the scouts belonging to the viceroy, and that
he might be led to believe the army came in that direction. He then took
a different route through the same desert with the army, marching as
expeditiously as possible, every soldier being ordered to carry his
provisions along with him on his horse. By these precautions, and the
rapidity of the march, the viceroy was not informed of the approach of
Gonzalo and his army, till they were very near San Miguel. Immediately
on learning their approach, he sounded the alarm, giving out that he
intended to meet and give battle to the insurgents; but as soon as his
army was drawn out from the city, he took a quite opposite course,
directing his march with all possible expedition towards the mountain of
Caxas.
[Footnote 15: Named Morrope in modern maps. The desert in the text is of
great extent, reaching from the river Leche to the Piura, a distance of
above eighty English miles.]
Gonzalo Pizarro got notice of the retreat of the viceroy about four
hours afterwards, in consequence of which he made no halt at San Miguel,
except to procure guides to direct him in the road which the viceroy had
taken. In the first night of this pursuit, the army of Gonzalo marched
eight Spanish leagues, or near thirty English miles, and several of the
royalists who had lagged behind the rest, together with the whole
baggage belonging to the retreating army fell into his hands. Gonzalo
hanged such of his prisoners as were most obnoxious to him, and
continued the pursuit of the flying royalists with the utmost diligence,
through difficult and almost impracticable roads, where no provisions
could be procured, always coming up with some of the hindmost of the
enemy. Gonzalo likewise sent on several Indians with letters to the
principal officers who served under the viceroy, urging them to put him
to death, and offering them their pardons for the past and to give them
high rewards. He continued the pursuit above fifty leagues or two
hundred miles, till at length the horses were no longer able to carry
their riders, and the men were incapable of proceeding, both from
excessive fatigue and by the failure of provisions. The insurgent army
at length arrived at Ayabaca[16], where the hot pursuit of the viceroy
was discontinued, and the troops of Gonzalo halted for rest and
refreshment. Besides the difficulty of overtaking the royalists, Gonzalo
had received assurances from some of the principal followers of the
viceroy that they would either put him to death, or deliver him up as a
prisoner; and, as this came afterwards to the knowledge of the viceroy,
he put several of these officers and gentlemen of his army to death.
After Gonzalo had supplied his army with such provisions as could be
furnished at Ayabaca, he resumed the pursuit, but with less rapidity
than before, and keeping his army always in compact order; yet at this
time some of his troops remained behind, partly owing to extreme
fatigue, and partly from discontent. Leaving the viceroy to continue
his retreat to Quito, and Gonzalo in pursuit, it is proper to mention
some events that occurred at this time in other parts of Peru.
[Footnote 16: Notwithstanding the distance mentioned in the text,
Ayabaca is only about 60 miles, or fifteen Spanish leagues in a straight
line N.N.E. from San Miguel.--E.]
In this march, Gonzalo did not think proper to carry along with his army
any of the soldiers belonging to the viceroy whom he had taken during
the pursuit, both because he could not confide in them, because he had
already a sufficient force in proportion to the enemy, and because
provisions were very difficult to be procured, as the viceroy had
stripped every place through which he passed as much as possible. For
this reason, Gonzalo Pizarro sent back all his prisoners to Truxillo,
Lima, or such other places as they thought proper, having in the first
place put to death such of their chiefs as he considered most strongly
attached to the viceroy. As these soldiers were dispersed over several
parts of the country, they began to declaim in favour of the viceroy and
against the tyrannical conduct of Gonzalo, and found many persons
abundantly disposed to listen to their harangues; both because what they
alleged was true in itself, and because most of the Spanish inhabitants
of Peru were much inclined to revolution and change of party, especially
the soldiery and those who were lazy and unoccupied. The real settlers
and principal inhabitants of the cities were quite of an opposite
description, being friends of peace and order, as most conducive to
their interest and happiness, and necessary to the preservation of their
properties, and being more exposed in time of civil war than even the
soldiers to be harassed and tormented in many ways, as the ruling party
was apt on the slightest pretexts to put them to death on purpose to
seize their effects, with which to gratify and reward the partizans of
their tyranny and injustice. These seditious discourses were so openly
indulged in, that they reached the knowledge of the lieutenants of
Gonzalo; who, each in his peculiar jurisdiction, punished the authors as
they deemed right. At Lima, to which most of these prisoners had gone,
Pedro Martin de Cecilia the provost marshal was a violent partizan of
Gonzalo, and caused several of these malecontents to be hanged. Lorenzo
de Aldana, who had been left by Gonzalo as lieutenant-governor of Lima,
was a prudent man, and conducted himself in a quite different manner,
being disinclined from acting with such violence as might occasion
displeasure to either party in the sequel; for which reason he used all
his influence to prevent putting any one to death, or from injuring any
person in any manner. Although he held his office from Gonzalo, he never
exerted himself zealously in his service, so that the partizans of that
usurper considered him as secretly gained by the other party, more
especially as he always behaved well to the known friends of the
viceroy. On this account, all these men flocked to Lima, where they
believed themselves in greater security than anywhere else. The
partizans of Gonzalo, on the other hand, made loud complaints against
the favourable behaviour of Aldana to the royalists; and in particular
one of the alcaldes of Lima, named Christopher de Burgos, spoke of it so
openly that Aldana thought it necessary to give him a public reprimand,
and even committed him to prison for some time. Several even went so far
as to communicate their suspicions of the fidelity of Aldana to Gonzalo
Pizarro by letters, and even persuaded him of the truth of their
allegations: But he refrained from manifesting his want of confidence in
the lieutenant-governor, considering it dangerous to deprive him of his
office while the army was at so great a distance, more especially as
Aldana had a respectable military force, and was much esteemed by the
citizens of Lima.
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