An Illustrated History of Ireland from AD 400 to 1800 by Mary Frances Cusack

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AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY OF IRELAND FROM AD 400 TO 1800

by

MARY FRANCES CUSACK

'The Nun of Kenmare'

Illustrations by Henry Doyle

1868

TO THE

RIGHT HONORABLE JUDGE O'HAGAN,

AND TO

HIS SISTER MARY,

FOUNDRESS AND ABBESS OF SAINT CLARE'S CONVENT, KENMARE,

THIS VOLUME

IS AFFECTIONATELY AND RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

By

The Author.

List of Full-Page Illustrations

ETC.

THE EMIGRANTS' FAREWELL
SPECIMENS OF ANCIENT IRISH MANUSCRIPTS
ST. PATRICK GOING TO TARA
KING BRIAN BOROIMHE KILLED BY THE VIKING
MARRIAGE OF EVA AND STRONGBOW
INTERVIEW BETWEEN MACMURROUGH AND THE OFFICERS OF RICHARD II.
INTERVIEW BETWEEN ESSEX AND O'NEILL
MASSACRE AT DROGHEDA
IRETON CONDEMNING THE BISHOP OF LIMERICK
GRATTAN'S DEMAND FOR IRISH INDEPENDENCE
O'CONNELL REFUSING TO TAKE THE OATH
IRELAND AND AMERICA

PREFACE

TO THE SECOND EDITION.

A demand for a Second Edition of the "Illustrated History of Ireland,"
within three months from the date of the publication of the First,
consisting of 2,000 copies, is a matter of no little gratification to
the writer, both personally and relatively. It is a triumphant proof
that Irishmen are not indifferent to Irish history--a fault of which
they have been too frequently accused; and as many of the clergy have
been most earnest and generous in their efforts to promote the
circulation of the work, it is gratifying to be able to adduce this fact
also in reply to the imputations, even lately cast upon the
ecclesiastics of Ireland, of deficiency in cultivated tastes, and of
utter neglect of literature.

Nor, as a Catholic and a religious, can I fail to express my respectful
gratitude and thankfulness for the warm approbation which the work has
received from so many distinguished prelates. A few of these
approbations will be found at the commencement of the volume--it was
impossible to find space for all. It may be, however, well to observe,
that several of the English Catholic bishops have not been less kind and
earnest in their commendations, though I have not asked their permission
to publish their communications. Some extracts are given from the
reviews, which also are necessarily condensed and limited; and, as the
Most Rev. Dr. Derry has observed, the press has been most favorable in
its criticisms. Even those who differed from the present writer _toto
coelo_, both in religion and politics, have not been less commendatory,
and, in some instances, have shown the writer more than ordinary
courtesy.

Nor should I omit to acknowledge the encouragement which so many
gentlemen, both English and Irish, have given to the work, and the
assistance they have afforded in promoting its circulation. In a
circular, quite recently published in London, and addressed to the
members of a society for the republication of English mediaeval
literature, gentlemen are called on by the secretary, even at the risk,
as he himself admits, of "boring them, by asking them to canvass for
orders, like a bookseller's traveller," to assist in obtaining
additional subscribers to the series, and he requests every subscriber
"to get another at once." I am happy to say that, without such
solicitation on our part, many Irish gentlemen have done us this
kindness, and have obtained not one, but many orders from their friends.
I confidently hope that many more will exert themselves in a similar
manner, for the still wider dissemination of the Second Edition. It is a
time, beyond all others, when Irish history should be thoroughly known
and carefully studied. It is a disgrace to Irishmen not to know their
history perfectly, and this with no mere outline view, but completely
and in detail. It is very much to be regretted that Irish history is not
made a distinct study in schools and colleges, both in England and
Ireland. What should be thought of a school where English history was
not taught? and is Irish history of less importance? I have had very
serious letters complaining of this deficiency from the heads of several
colleges, where our history has been introduced as a class-book.[A]

There are some few Irish Catholics who appear to think that Irishmen
should not study their history--some because they imagine that our
history is a painful subject; others, because they imagine that its
record of wrongs cannot fail to excite violent feelings, which may lead
to violent deeds. I cannot for one moment admit that our history is
either so very sorrowful, or that we have cause to do anything but
rejoice in it. If we consider temporal prosperity to be the _summum
bonum_ of our existence, no doubt we may say with truth, like the
Apostle, that of all peoples we are "most miserable;" but we have again
and again renounced temporal advantages, and discarded temporal
prosperity, to secure eternal gain; and we have the promise of the
Eternal Truth that we shall attain all that we have desired. Our
history, then, far from being a history of failures, has been a history
of the most triumphant success--of the most brilliant victories. I
believe the Irish are the only nation on earth of whom it can be truly
said that they have never apostatized nationally. Even the most Catholic
countries of the Continent have had their periods of religious
revolution, however temporary. Ireland has been deluged with blood again
and again; she has been defeated in a temporal point of view again and
again; but spiritually--NEVER! Is this a history to be ashamed of? Is
this a history to regret? Is this a history to lament? Is it not rather
a history over which the angels in heaven rejoice, and of which the
best, the holiest, and the noblest of the human race may justly be
proud?

On the second count, I shall briefly say that if Irish history were
taught in our Irish colleges and schools to children while still young,
and while the teacher could impress on his charge the duty of
forgiveness of enemies, of patient endurance, of the mighty power of
moral force, which has effected even for Ireland at times what more
violent measures have failed to accomplish, then there could be no
danger in the study. Perhaps the greatest human preservative of the
faith, for those whose lot may be cast hereafter in other lands, would
be to inculcate a great reverence for our history, and a _true_
appreciation of its value. The taunt of belonging to a despised nation,
has led many a youth of brilliant promise to feel ashamed of his
country, and almost inevitably to feel ashamed of his faith. A properly
directed study of Irish history would tend much to remove this danger.
During the debate on the Irish Church question, Mr. Maguire, M.P. for
Cork, significantly remarked on the effect produced by the "deliberate
exclusion" of any instruction in Irish history from National schools. It
does seem curious that national history should be a forbidden subject in
National schools, and this fact makes the appellation of "National" seem
rather a misnomer. The result of this deliberate exclusion was
graphically described by the honorable member. The youth comes forth
educated, and at a most impressible age he reads for the first time the
history of his country, and burns with indignant desire to avenge her
many wrongs. The consequences are patent to all. It is, then, for the
advantage of England, as well as of Ireland, that Irish history should
be made the earliest study of Irish youth; nor is it of less importance
that Irish history should be thoroughly known by Englishmen. It is the
duty of every Englishman who has a vote to give, to make himself
acquainted with the subjects on which his representative will give, in
his name, that final decision which makes his political opinion the law
of the land. I suppose no one will deny that the Irish Question is the
question of the day. The prosperity of England, as well as the
prosperity of Ireland, is involved in it. No educated man, however
humble his station, has a right to assist in returning a member to
Parliament without clearly comprehending the principles of his
representative. But unless he has some comprehension of the principles
themselves, it is of little use for him to record his vote. I do not say
that every English voter is bound to study Irish history in detail, but
I do say that, at the present day, he is bound to know what the Irish
themselves demand from England; and if he considers their demands
reasonable, he should record his vote only for those who will do their
utmost to obtain the concessions demanded. A man is unworthy of the
privilege of voting, if he is deficient either in the intellect or the
inclination to understand the subject on which he votes.

But it is of still more importance that members of Parliament should
read--and not only read, but carefully study--the history of Ireland.
Irishmen have a right to _demand_ that they shall do so. If they
undertake to legislate for us, they are bound in conscience and in
honour to know what we require, to know our past and our present state.
Englishmen pride themselves on their honour; but it is neither honorable
to undertake to govern without a thorough knowledge of the governed, or
to misrepresent their circumstances to others whose influence may decide
their future.

It was manifest from the speech of her Majesty's minister, on the night
of the all-important division on the Irish Church question, that he
either had not studied Irish history, or that he had forgotten its
details. If his statements are correctly reported by the press, they are
inconceivably wild. It may be said that the circumstances in which he
found himself obliged him to speak as he did, but is this an excuse
worthy of such an honorable position? The Normans, he is reported to
have said, conquered the land in Ireland, but in England they conquered
completely. The most cursory acquaintance with Irish history would have
informed the right honorable gentleman, that the Normans did _not_
conquer the land in Ireland--no man has as yet been rash enough to
assert that they conquered the people. The Normans obtained possession
of a small portion, a very small portion of Irish land; and if the
reader will glance at the map of the Pale, which will be appended to
this edition, at the proper place, he will see precisely what extent of
country the English held for a few hundred years. Even that portion they
could scarcely have been said to have conquered, for they barely held it
from day to day at the point of the sword. Morally Ireland was never
conquered, for he would be a bold man who dared to say that the Irish
people ever submitted nationally to the English Church established by
law. In fact, so rash does the attempt seem even to those who most
desire to make it, that they are fain to find refuge and consolation in
the supposed introduction of Protestantism into Ireland by St. Patrick,
a thousand years and more before that modern phase of religious thought
appeared to divide the Christian world.

But I deny that Ireland has ever been really conquered; and even should
the most sanguinary suggestions proposed in a nineteenth-century serial
be carried out, I am certain she could not be. Ireland has never been
permanently subdued by Dane or Norman, Dutchman or Saxon; nor has she
ever been _really_ united to England. A man is surely not united to a
jailer because he is bound to him by an iron chain which his jailer has
forged for his safe keeping. This is not union; and the term "United
Kingdom" is in fact a most miserable misnomer. Unity requires something
more than a mere material approximation. I believe it to be _possible_
that England and Ireland may become united; and if ever this should be
accomplished, let no man forget that the first link in the golden chain
issued from the hands of the right honorable member for South
Lancashire, when he proposed equality of government on religious
questions--the first step towards that equality of government which
alone can effect a moral union of the two countries. It might be
treasonable to hint that some noble-hearted men, who loved their country
not wisely but too well, and who are paying in lifelong anguish the
penalty of their patriotism, had anything to do with the formation of
this golden chain--so I shall not hint it.

I believe the Fenian movement, at one time scouted as a mere ebullition,
at another time treated as a dangerous and terrible rebellion, has done
at least this one good to England--it has compelled honest and honorable
men to inquire each for himself what are the grievances of Ireland, and
why she continues disaffected to English rule. For men who are honest
and honorable to make such inquiries, is the first step, and a certain
step, towards their remedy; and as I glanced down the list of the _ayes_
in the division, I could see the names of men who, in England, have been
distinguished during years for their private and public virtues, and who
have been lavish in their charities whenever their own countrymen
required their assistance.

There can be little doubt that a new era has dawned upon old Erinn's
shores. It remains to be proved if her sons shall be as faithful in
prosperity as they have been in adversity. It remains to be proved, if
opportunities are afforded us of obtaining higher intellectual culture
without the danger of the moral deterioration which might have attended
that culture under other circumstances, whether we shall avail ourselves
of them to the full. May we not hope that Ireland will become once more
famous both for learning and sanctity. The future of our nation is in
the hands of the Irish hierarchy. No government dare refuse anything
which they may demand perseveringly and unitedly. The people who have
been guided by them, and saved by them for so many centuries, will
follow as they lead. If their tone of intellectual culture is elevated,
the people will become elevated also; and we shall hear no more of those
reproaches, which are a disgrace to those who utter them, rather than to
those of whom they are uttered. Let our people be taught to appreciate
something higher than a mere ephemeral literature; let them be taught to
take an interest in the antiquities and the glorious past of their
nation; and then let them learn the history of other peoples and of
other races. A high ecclesiastical authority has declared recently that
"ecclesiastics do not cease to be citizens," and that they do not
consider anything which affects the common weal of their country is
remote from their duty. The clergy of the diocese of Limerick, headed by
their Dean, and, it must be presumed, with the sanction of their Bishop,
have given a tangible proof that they coincide in opinion with his Grace
the Archbishop of Westminster. The letter addressed to Earl Grey by that
prelate, should be in the hands of every Irishman; and it is with no
ordinary gratification that we acknowledge the kindness and
condescension of his Grace in favouring us with an early copy of it.

This letter treats of the two great questions of the day with admirable
discretion. As I hope that every one who reads these pages possesses a
copy of the pamphlet, I shall merely draw attention to two paragraphs in
it: one in which Fenianism is treated of in that rational spirit which
appears to have been completely lost sight of in the storm of angry
discussion which it has excited. On this subject his Grace writes: "It
would be blindness not to see, and madness to deny, that we have entered
into another crisis in the relation of England and Ireland, of which
'98, '28, and '48 were precursors;" and he argues with clearness and
authority, that when Englishmen once have granted justice to Ireland,
Ireland will cease to accuse England of injustice.

To one other paragraph in this remarkable letter, I shall briefly
allude: "I do not think Englishmen are enough aware of the harm some
among us do by a contemptuous, satirical, disrespectful, defiant,
language in speaking of Ireland and the Irish people." From peculiar
circumstances, the present writer has had more than ordinary
opportunities of verifying the truth of this statement. The wound caused
by a sarcastic expression may often fester far longer than the wound
caused by a hasty blow. The evil caused by such language is by no means
confined entirely to Protestants. There are, indeed, but few English
Catholics who speak contemptuously of Ireland, of its people, or of its
history; but, if I am to credit statements which have been made to me on
unquestionable authority, there are some who are not free from this
injustice. A half-commiserating tone of patronage is quite as offensive
as open contempt; and yet there have been instances where English
Catholic writers, while obliged to show some deference to Ireland and
the Irish, in order to secure the patronage and support of that country
for their publications, have at the same time, when they dared, thrown
out insinuations against peculiarities of Irish character, and made
efforts to discredit Irish historical documents.

I had intended, in preparing the Second Edition of the "Illustrated
History of Ireland," to omit the original Preface, in order to leave
more space for the historical portion of the work. When this intention
was mentioned, several laymen and ecclesiastics expostulated so
earnestly against it, that I have been obliged to yield to their
request. I am aware that some few persons objected to my remarks on the
state of land laws in Ireland, or rather on the want of proper land
laws; but the opinion of those interested in maintaining an evil, will
always be averse to its exposure; and I cannot conceive how any one who
desires an injustice to be removed, can object to a fair and impartial
discussion of the subject. An English writer, also, has made some
childish remarks about the materials for Irish history not being yet
complete, and inferred that in consequence an Irish history could not
yet be written. His observations are too puerile to need refutation. I
have been informed also that some objection has been made to a
"political preface;" and that one gentleman, whose name I have not had
the honour of hearing, has designated the work as a "political
pamphlet." Even were not Irish history exceptional, I confess myself
perplexed to understand how history and politics can be severed. An
author may certainly write a perfectly colourless history, but he must
state the opinions of different parties, and the acts consequent on
those opinions, even should he do so without any observation of his own.
I never for a moment entertained the intention of writing such a
history, though I freely confess I have exercised considerable
self-restraint as to the expression of my own opinion when writing some
portions of the present work. You might as well attempt to write an
ecclesiastical history without the slightest reference to different
religious opinions, as attempt to write the history of any nation, and,
above all, of Ireland, without special and distinct reference to the
present and past political opinions of the different sections of which
the nation is composed. Such suggestions are only worthy of those who,
when facts are painful, try to avert the wound they cause by turning on
the framer of the weapon which has driven these facts a little deeper
than usual into their intellectual conception; or of those uneducated,
or low-minded, even if educated persons, who consider that a woman
cannot write a history, and would confine her literary efforts to
sensation novels and childish tales. I am thankful, and I hope I am not
unduly proud, that men of the highest intellectual culture, both in
England and Ireland, on the Continent of Europe, and in America, have
pronounced a very different judgment on the present work, and on the
desire of the writer to raise her countrywomen to higher mental efforts
than are required by the almost exclusive perusal of works of fiction.
If women may excel as painters and sculptors, why may not a woman
attempt to excel as an historian? Men of cultivated intellect, far from
wishing to depreciate such efforts, will be the first to encourage them
with more than ordinary warmth; the opinions of other persons, whatever
may be their position, are of little value.

On the Irish Church question I feel it unnecessary to say more than a
word of congratulation to my countrymen, and of hearty thanks for the
noble conduct of so many Englishmen at this important crisis. Irish
Protestants have been quite as national as Irish Catholics; and now that
the fatal bane of religious dissension has been removed, we may hope
that Irishmen, of all classes and creeds, will work together
harmoniously for the good of their common country: and thus one great
means of Irish prosperity will be opened. The Irish are eminently a
justice-loving people. Let justice once be granted to them, and there is
that in their national character which will make them accept as a boon
what others might accept as a right.

In concluding the Preface to this Edition, I cannot omit to express my
grateful thanks to Sir William Wilde, and other members of the Royal
Irish Academy, through whose kindness I obtained the special favour of
being permitted to copy some of the most valuable illustrations of Irish
antiquities contained in their Catalogue, and which has enabled the
reader, for the first time, to have an Irish history illustrated with
Irish antiquities--a favour which it is hoped an increase of cultivated
taste amongst our people will enable them to appreciate more and more.
To John O'Hagan, Esq., Q.C., I owe a debt of gratitude which cannot
easily be repaid, for the time he bestowed on the correction of the
proofs of the First Edition, and for many kind suggestions, and much
valuable advice. I am indebted, also, to M.J. Rhodes, Esq., of
Hoddersfield, for a liberal use of his library, perhaps one of the most
valuable private libraries in Ireland, and for permitting me to retain,
for a year and more, some of its most costly treasures. The same
kindness was also granted by the Rev. D. M'Carthy, Professor of Sacred
Scripture and Hebrew at Maynooth, who is himself doing so much for its
ecclesiastical students by his valuable literary labours, and who was
one of the first to urge me to undertake this work. In preparing the
Second Edition, I am not a little indebted to the Rev. James Gaffney,
C.C., M.R.I.A., of Clontarf, who, even during the heavy pressure of
Lenten parochial duties, has found time to give me the benefit of many
important suggestions, and to show his love of Ireland by deeming no
effort too great to further a knowledge of her glorious history. I am
also indebted to the Rev. John Shearman, C.C., M.R.I.A., of Howth, for
the valuable paper read before the R.I.A., on the "Inscribed Stones at
Killeen Cormac;" and to many other authors who have presented me with
their works; amongst the number, none were more acceptable than the
poems of Dr. Ferguson, and the beautiful and gracefully written _Irish
before the Conquest_, of Mrs. Ferguson, whose gifts are all the more
treasured for the peculiar kindness with which they were presented.

To my old friend, Denis Florence MacCarthy, Esq., M.R.I.A., who should
be the laureate of Ireland--and why should not Ireland, that land of
song, have her laureate?--I can only offer my affectionate thanks, for
his kindnesses are too numerous to record, and are so frequent that they
would scarcely bear enumeration. At this moment, Roderick O'Flanagan,
Esq., M.R.I.A., has found, or rather made, leisure, amongst his many
professional and literary occupations, to prepare the valuable and
important map of Irish families, which will be given _gratis_ to all
subscribers, and in which W.H. Hennessy, Esq., M.R.I.A., at present
employed by Government on the important work of publishing ancient Irish
MS., will also give his assistance.

To many of the gentlemen in Cork, and principally to Nicholas Murphy,
Esq., of Norwood, and Eugene M'Sweeny, Esq., I cannot fail to offer my
best thanks, for the generous help they have given in promoting the sale
of the First Edition, and for over-payments of subscriptions, made
unasked, and with the most considerate kindness, when they found the
heavy cost of the First Edition was likely to prove a loss to the
convent, in consequence of expenses which could scarcely be foreseen in
the increased size of the work, and the high class of engravings used,
which demanded an immense outlay in their production. The subscribers to
the Second Edition are indebted to not a few of the subscribers to the
First, many of them priests with limited incomes, for the generosity
which has enabled them to obtain this new issue on such favourable
terms. It is with feelings of no ordinary pleasure that I add also the
names of the Superioresses of nearly all the convents of the order of
Our Lady of Mercy and of the order of the Presentation, to the list of
our benefactors. With the exception of, perhaps, two or three convents
of each order, they have been unanimous in their generous efforts to
assist the circulation of the Irish History, and of all our
publications; and this kindness has been felt by us all the more deeply,
because from our own poverty, and the poverty of the district in which
we live, we have been unable to make them any return, or to assist them
even by the sale of tickets for their bazaars. Such disinterested
charity is, indeed, rare; and the efforts made by these religious--the
true centres of civilization in Ireland--to promote the education and to
improve the moral and intellectual tone of the lower and middle classes,
are beyond all praise, combined, as these efforts are, with
never-ceasing labour for the spiritual and temporal good of the poor in
their respective districts. Nor should I omit a word for the friends
across the wide Atlantic, to whom the very name of Ireland is so
precious, and to whom Irish history is so dear. The Most Rev. Dr.
Purcell, Archbishop of Cincinnati, has pronounced the work to be the
only Irish history worthy of the name. John Mitchel has proclaimed, in
the _Irish Citizen_, that a woman has accomplished what men have failed
to do; and Alderman Ternan, at a banquet in New Fork, has uttered the
same verdict, and declares that there, at least, no other history can
compete with ours, although Moore and D'Arcy Magee have preceded us in
their efforts to promote the knowledge of what Ireland has been, and the
hope of what Ireland may yet become.