Lecture On The Aborigines Of Newfoundland by Joseph Noad
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Joseph Noad >> Lecture On The Aborigines Of Newfoundland
LECTURE
ON
THE ABORIGINES
OF
Newfoundland,
_Delivered before the Mechanics Institute, at St.
John's, on Monday, 17th January,_
BY
THE HON. JOSEPH NOAD,
_Surveyor-General._
ST. JOHN'S, NEWFOUNDLAND:
R.J. PARSONS, PRINTER.
1859.
Lecture
_DELIVERED BEFORE THE MECHANICS' INSTITUTE AT ST. JOHN'S,
NEWFOUNDLAND._
BY
THE HON. JOSEPH NOAD,
_Surveyor-General,_
Of the various theories advanced on the origin of the North American
Indians, none has been so entirely satisfactory as to command a
general assent; and on this point many and different opinions are yet
held. The late De Witt Clinton, Governor of the State of New York, a
man who had given no slight consideration to subjects of this nature,
maintained that they were of Tatar origin; others have thought them
the descendants of the Ten Tribes, or the offspring of the Canaanites
expelled by Joshua. The opinion, however, most commonly entertained
is, that the vast continent of North America was peopled from the
Northeast of Asia; in proof of which it is urged that every
peculiarity, whether in person or disposition, which characterises the
Americans, bears some resemblance to the rude tribes scattered over
the northeast of Asia, but almost none to the nations settled on the
northern extremity of Europe. Robertson, however, gives a new phase to
this question; from his authority we learn that, as early as the ninth
century, the Norwegians discovered Greenland and planted colonies
there. The communication with that country, after a long interruption,
was renewed in the last century, and through Moravian missionaries, it
is now ascertained that the Esquimaux speak the same language as the
Greenlanders, and that they are in every respect the same people. By
this decisive fact, not only is the consanguinity of the Greenlanders
with the Esquimaux established, but also the possibility of peopling
America from the north of Europe demonstrated, and if of America, then
of course of Newfoundland also, and thus it appears within the verge
of possibility, that the original inhabitants of this Island may be
descendants of Europeans, in fact merely a distinct tribe of the
Esquimaux. At a meeting of the Philosophical Society held in England
some few years ago, the subject of the Red Indians of Newfoundland was
brought under discussion by Mr. Jukes, the gentleman who conducted the
geological survey of this Island; and Dr. King, a name well-known
among scientific men, gave it as his opinion, founded on historical
evidence, going so far back as the period of Sebastian Cabot, that
they were really an Esquimaux tribe. Others are of opinion, founded on
some real or presumed affinity between the vocabulary of the one
people with that of the other, that the Indian tribes of North America
and the original inhabitants of Newfoundland, called by themselves
"Boeothicks," and by Europeans "Red Indians," are of the same
descent.
The enquiry, however, into the mere origin of a people is one more
curious in its nature than it is calculated to be useful, and failure
in attempting to discover it need excite but little regret; but it is
much to be lamented that the early history of the Boeothick is
shrouded in such obscurity, that any attempt to penetrate it must be
vain. All that we know of the tribe as it existed in past ages, is
derived from tradition handed down to us chiefly thro' the Micmacs;
and even from this source, doubtful and uncertain as such authority
confessedly is, the amount of information conveyed to us is both
scanty and imperfect. From such traditionary facts we gather, that the
Boeothicks were once a powerful and numerous tribe, like their
neighbouring tribe the Micmacs, and that for a long period these
tribes were on friendly terms and inhabited the western shores of
Newfoundland in common, together with other parts of the Island as
well as the Labrador, and this good understanding continued until some
time after the discovery of Newfoundland by Cabot; but it was at
length violently interrupted by the Micmacs, who, to ingratiate
themselves with the French, who at that time held the sway in these
parts, and who had taken offence at some proceedings of the
Boeothicks, slew two Red Indians with the intention of taking their
heads, which they had severed from the bodies, to the French. This
wanton and unprovoked outrage was discovered by the Boeothicks, who
gave no intimation of such discovery, but who, after consulting
together, determined on revenge. They invited the Micmacs to a feast,
and arranged their guests in such order that every Boeothick had a
Micmac by his side; at a preconcerted signal every Boeothick slew his
guest. War of course ensued. Firearms were but little known to the
Indians at that time, but they soon came into more general use among
such tribes as continued to hold intercourse with Europeans. This
circumstance gave the Micmacs an undisputed ascendancy over the
Boeothicks, who were forced to betake themselves to the recesses of
the interior and other parts of the Island, alarmed, as well they
might be, at every report of the firelock. What may be the present
feelings of the Red Indians, supposing any of the tribe to be yet
living, towards the Micmacs we know not; but we do know that the
latter cherish feelings of unmitigated hatred against the very name of
"Red Indian."
When Cabot discovered Newfoundland in 1497 he saw Savages, whom he
describes as "painted with red ochre, and covered with skins." Cartier
in 1534 saw the Red Indians, whom he describes "as of good
stature,--wearing their hair in a bunch on the top of the head, and
adorned with feathers." In 1574 Frobisher having been driven by the
ice on the coast of Newfoundland, induced some of the natives to come
on board, and with one of them he sent five sailors on shore, whom he
never saw again; on this account he seized one of the Indians, who
died shortly after arriving in England.
As soon after the discovery of Newfoundland as its valuable fisheries
became known, vessels from various countries found their way hither,
for the purpose of catching whales, and of following other pursuits
connected with the fishery. Among those early visiters was a Captain
Richard Whitburne, who commanded a ship of 300 tons, belonging to "one
Master Cotton of South-hampton" and who fished at Trinity. This
Captain Whitburne, in a work published by him in 1622, describing the
coast, fishery, soil, and produce of Newfoundland, says, "the natives
are ingenious and apt by discreet and moderate government, to be
brought to obedience. Many of them join the French and Biscayans on
the Northern coast, and work hard for them about fish, whales, and
other things; receiving for their labor some bread or trifling
trinkets." They believed, according to Whitburne, that they were
created from arrows stuck in the ground by the Good Spirit, and that
the dead went into a far country to make merry with their friends.
Other early voyagers also make favourable mention of the natives, but
notwithstanding this testimony, it is evident, even from information
given by their apologist Whitburne himself, that the Red Indians were
not exempt from those pilfering habits which, in many instances, have
marked the conduct of the inhabitants of newly discovered Islands on
their first meeting with Europeans. Whitburne, when expressing his
readiness to adopt measures for opening a trade with the Indians,
incidentally mentions an instance where their thievish propensities
were displayed.--He says, "I am ready with my life and means whereby
to find out some new trade with the Indians of the country, for they
have great store of red ochre, which they use to colour their bodies,
bows, arrows, and canoes. The canoes are built in shape like wherries
on the river Thames, but that they are much longer, made with the
rinds of birch trees, which they sew very artificially and close
together, and overlay every seam with turpentine. In like manner they
sew the rinds of birch trees round and deep in proportion like a brass
kettle, to boil their meat in; which hath been proved to me by three
mariners of a ship riding at anchor by me--who being robbed in the
night by the savages of their apparel and provisions, did next day
seek after and came suddenly to where they had set up three tents and
were feasting; they had three pots made of the rinds of trees standing
each of them on stones, boiling with fowls in each; they had also many
such pots so sewed, and which were full of yolk of eggs that they had
boiled hard and so dried, and which the savages do use in their broth.
They had great store of skins of deer, beaver, bears, otter, seal, and
divers other fine skins, which were well dressed; they had also great
store of several sorts of fish dried. By shooting off a musquet
towards them, they all ran away without any apparel but only their
hats on, which were made of seal skins, in fashion like our hats,
sewed handsomely with narrow bands and set round with fine white
shels. All the canoes, flesh, skins, yolks of eggs, bows, arrows, and
much fine ochre and divers other things did the ship's company take
and share among them." And from Whitburne's time up to 1818 have
complaints been made of thefts committed by the Indians. To the
Northward the settlers, as they allege, had many effects stolen from
them--one individual alone made a deposition to the effect that he had
lost through the depredations of the Indians, property to the amount
of L200.
Now whether in such thefts (although they were only of a petty
character) we are to trace the origin of that murderous warfare so
relentlessly carried on by the Whites against the Red Indians, or
whether the atrocities of the former, were the result of brutal
ignorance and a wanton disregard of human life, cannot how be
determined,--we have only the lamentable fact before us, that to a set
of men not only destitute of all religious principle, but also of the
common feelings of humanity, the pursuit and slaughter of the Red
Indian became a pastime--an amusement--eagerly sought after--wantonly
and barbarously pursued, and in the issue fatally, nd it may be added,
awfully successful.
For the greater part of the seventeenth century the history of the Red
Indians present a dreary waste--no sympathy appears to have been felt
for them, and no efforts were made to stay the hands of their
merciless destroyers. In their attempts to avoid the Micmac, their
dire enemy, they fell in the path of the no less dreaded White, and
thus year after year passed away, and the comparatively defenceless
Boeothick found, only in the grave, a refuge and rest from his
barbarous and powerful foes. During the long period just adverted to,
the Red Indian was regarded by furriers, whose path he sometimes
crossed; and with whose gains his necessities compelled him sometimes
to interfere, with as little compassion as they entertained for any
wild or dangerous beast of the forest, and were shot or butchered with
as little hesitation. And barbarities of this nature became at length
so common, that the attention of the Government was directed to it;
and in 1786 a proclamation was issued by Governor Elliot, in which it
is stated "that it having been represented to the King that his
subjects residing in this Island do often treat the Indians with the
greatest inhumanity, and frequently destroy them without the least
provocation or remorse; it was therefore his Majesty's pleasure that
all means should be used to discover and apprehend all who may be
guilty of murdering any of the said Indians, in order that such
offenders may be sent over to England to be tried for such capital
crimes." In 1797 Governor Waldegrave issued a proclamation of a
similar character, which document also adverts to the cruelties to
which the Indians were subject at the hands of hunters, fishermen and
others.--And again in 1802 a proclamation of a like description was
also issued.
In 1803 a native Indian was for the first time taken alive--this was a
female,--she was captured at the northern part of the Island, being
surprised by a fisherman while paddling her canoe towards a small
island in quest of birds' eggs. She was carried to St. John's and
taken to Government-house, where she was kindly treated. She admired
the epaulets of the officers more than any thing she saw, but appeared
to value her own dress more highly, for although presents were given
her, and indeed whatever she asked for, she would never let her own
fur garments go out of her hands. In the hope that if this woman were
returned to her tribe, her own description of the treatment she had
received, and the presents she would convey to her people, may lead to
a friendly communication being opened with the Red Indians, a
gentleman residing in Fogo, (Mr. Andrew Pearce) in the vicinity of
which place the woman was taken, was authorised to hire men for the
purpose of returning her in safety to her tribe. She was accordingly
put under the care of four men, and the manner in which they dealt
with her is recounted in the following copy of a letter, written by
one of them, and addressed to Mr. Trounsell, who was the Admiral's
Secretary:--He says, "This is to inform you that I could get no men
until the 20th August, when we proceeded with the Indian to the Bay of
Exploits, and there went with her up the river as far as we possibly
could for want of more strength, and there let her remain ten days,
and when I returned the rest of the Indians had carried her off into
the country. I would not wish to have any more hand with the Indians,
in case you will send round and insure payment for a number of men to
go in the country in the winter. The people do not hold with
civilizing the Indians, as they think that they will kill more than
they did before.
(Signed,) WILLIAM CULL."
This letter, or at least the latter part of it, is not easily
understood; but there is nothing either in its diction or its tone to
remove the doubt which, at the time the letter was written, was
entertained as to the safety of the poor Indian, and which still rests
upon her fate--a strong suspicion was felt, and which has never been
removed, that Cull had not dealt fairly with her. Cull heard that such
an opinion was entertained, and expressed a strong desire to "get hold
of the fellow who said he had murdered the Indian woman." A gentleman
who knew Cull well, said, "if ever the person who charged him with the
crime, comes within the reach of Cull's gun, and a long gun it is,
that cost L7 at Fogo, he is as dead as any of the Red Indians which
Cull has often shot." Cull received L50 for capturing the woman, and a
further sum of L15 for her maintenance.
In 1807 a proclamation was issued by Governor Holloway, offering a
reward of L50 "to such person or persons as shall be able to induce or
persuade any of the male tribe of native Indians to attend them to the
town of St. John's; also all expenses attending their journey or
passage," and the same reward was offered to any person who would give
information of any murder committed upon the bodies of the Indians.
In 1809, the Government, not satisfied with merely issuing
proclamations, sent a vessel to Exploit's Bay, in order if possible to
meet with the Indians. Lieutenant Spratt, who commanded the vessel,
had with him a picture representing the officers of the Royal Navy,
shaking hands with an Indian chief--a party of sailors laying goods at
his feet--a European and Indian mother looking at their respective
children of the same age--Indian men and women presenting furs to the
officers, and a young sailor looking admiration at an Indian girl. The
expedition, however, did not meet with any of the tribe.
In the following year, 1810, several efforts were made to open a
communication with the natives, and to arrest the destruction to which
they were exposed--first, a proclamation was issued by Sir John
Duckworth, stating that the native Indians, by the ill treatment of
wicked persons, had been driven from all communication with His
Majesty's subjects, and forced to take refuge in the woods, and
offering a reward of L100 to any person who should, to use the words
of the proclamation, "generously and meritoriously exert himself to
bring about and establish on a firm and settled footing an intercourse
with the natives; and moreover, that such persons should be honorably
mentioned to His Majesty."
In the same year a proclamation was also issued, addressed exclusively
to the Micmacs, the Esquimaux, and American Indians frequenting the
Island, recommending them to live in harmony with the Red Indians, and
threatening punishment to any who should injure them; and early in the
same year, William Cull, the same person who has been spoken of, with
six others, and two Micmacs, set out upon the river Exploits, then
frozen over, in quest of their residence in the interior of the
country. On the fourth day, having travelled 60 miles, they discovered
a building on the bank of the river, about 40 or 50 feet long, and
nearly as wide. It was constructed of wood, and covered with the rinds
of trees, and skins of deer. It contained large quantities of venison,
estimated to have been the choicest parts of at least 100 deer--the
flesh was in junks, entirely divested of bone, and stored in boxes
made of birch and spruce rinds--each box containing about two cwt. The
tongues and hearts were placed in the middle of the packages. In this
structure, says the celebrated William Cull, we saw three lids of tin
tea kettles, which he believed to be the very same given by Governor
Gambier to the Indian woman he was entrusted to restore to her tribe.
Whether Cull, by this very opportune discovery, removed the suspicion
that attached itself to the manner in which he discharged the trust
committed to him, does not appear. On the opposite bank of the river
stood another store-house considerably larger than the former, but the
ice being bad across the river, it was not examined. Two Indians were
seen, but avoided all communication with the Whites. The two
store-houses stood opposite each other, and from the margin of the
river on each side there extended for some miles into the country,
high fences erected for the purpose of conducting the deer to the
river, and along the margin of the lake in the neighbourhood of those
store-houses, were also erected extensive fences, on each side, in
order to prevent the deer when they had taken the water from landing.
It would appear that as soon as a herd of deer, few or many, enter the
water, the Indians who are upon the watch, launch their canoes, and
the parallel fences preventing the re-landing of the deer, they become
an easy prey to their pursuers, and the buildings before described are
depots, for their reception.
Captain Buchan's expedition, too, which is generally, but erroneously
spoken of as having been made in the winter of 1815 and 1816, in the
course of which two of his men were killed, was also commenced in the
autumn of this same year, 1810. Subsequently, indeed, he made one or
two journeys into the interior, but only on the one occasion did he
meet with any of the natives. The official account of his chief
excursion is dated the 23rd October, 1811, and is as follows:--
"Mr. Buchan went in the autumn, to the entrance of the River Exploits,
and there anchored his vessel, which soon became fixed in the ice. He
then began his march into the interior, accompanied by 24 of his crew
and three guides, and having penetrated about 130 miles, discovered
some wigwams of the Indians. He surrounded them, and their
inhabitants, in number about seventy-five persons, became in his
power. He succeeded in overcoming their extreme terror, and soon
established a good understanding with them. Four men, among whom was
their chief, accepted his invitation to accompany him back to the
place, where, as he explained to them by signs, he had left some
presents, which he designed for them. The confidence by this time
existing was mutual, and so great, that two of Mr. Buchan's people,
marines, requested to remain with the Indians; they were allowed to do
so, and Mr. Buchan set out on his return to his depot with the
remainder of his party and the four Indians. They continued together
for about six miles, to the fire-place of the night before, when the
chief declined going any further, and with one of his men took leave,
directing the other two to go on with Mr. Buchan. They did so, until
they came near the place to which they were to be conducted, when one
of them became apparently panic-struck and fled, beckoning to his
companion to follow him. But the tempers of the two men were
different, the latter remained unshaken in his determination, and with
a cheerful countenance, and air of perfect confidence in the good
faith of his new allies, he motioned to them with his hands to
proceed, disregarding his companion and seeming to treat with scorn
Mr. Buchan's invitation to depart freely if he chose to do so. Soon
afterwards the party reached their rendezvouz--slept there one night,
loaded themselves with the presents and returned again towards their
Wigwams. The behaviour of the Indian remained the same--he continued
to show a generous confidence, and the whole tenor of his conduct was
such as Mr. Buchan could not witness without a feeling of esteem for
him. On arriving at the wigwams they were found deserted, which threw
the Indian into great alarm. Many circumstances determined Mr. Buchan
to let him be at perfect liberty, and this treatment revived his
spirits. The party spent the night at the Wigwams, and continued their
route in the morning. They had proceeded about a mile, when, being a
little in advance of the rest, the Indian was seen to start suddenly
backwards; he screamed loudly and then fled swiftly, which rendered
pursuit in vain. The cause of flight was understood when Mr. Buchan
the next moment, beheld upon the ice, headless and pierced by the
arrows of the Indians, the naked bodies of his two marines. An alarm
had, it is evident, been given by the savage who deserted the party at
the rendezvouz, and it is supposed that to justify his conduct in so
deserting, he had abused his countrymen with a tale which had excited
them to what they perhaps considered a just retaliation. Thus ended an
enterprise which was conducted with an ability, zeal, perseverance and
manly endurance of extreme hardship, which merited a better
success.--When the spring became sufficiently advanced Mr. Buchan
returned with his vessel to St. John's, and at once sought and
obtained permission from the Governor to return in the summer, in the
hope that as the natives came in that season down the rivers to fish
and hunt, he might the more easily fall in with them. In this
expectation, however, he was disappointed, as he only succeeded in
merely discovering some recent traces of them. Captain Buchan, still
sanguine of success, requested permission to winter in St. John's,
that he may be in readiness to take the earliest of the ensuing spring
to go in quest of them again. This was acceded to; but of the
movements of Captain Buchan, in consequence of this arrangement, there
is no record, it is only known that no additional discoveries were
made--but from the facts ascertained by Captain Buchan in his first
excursion, the authorities felt satisfied the number of the Indians
had been greatly underrated. Captain Buchan was of opinion they could
not be less (in the whole) than three hundred persons. Now this is an
important fact, as it goes far to disprove the generally received
opinion that the tribe is extinct, inasmuch as that opinion was formed
from the representations of the decreased numbers of her tribe, made
by the Indian woman taken in 1823, but the accuracy of the whole
statement there is much reason to doubt. In the course of this
narrative we shall be brought to the details of her statement, when a
closer comparison of the conflicting accounts can be made.
The several proclamations issued, in favor of the Red Indian, seem to
have been entirely disregarded--the work of extermination proceeded,
and the Government again thought it necessary to express its
abhorrence of the murders that were continually being perpetrated, and
to threaten punishment to the guilty. Accordingly a proclamation, in
the name of the Prince Regent, was issued by Sir R. Keats in 1813, to
the same effect, and offering the same reward as the previous ones.
For the next four years, or from 1814 to 1818, no additional efforts
were made for the benefit of the Indians; but complaints were made by
various persons during that period,--residents to the northward,--of
thefts, which it was alleged were committed by the Indians. In
consequence of these repeated losses, the person who had sustained the
greatest injury, amounting to about L150, made application to the
Government for permission to follow the property and regain it, if
possible. This permission being given, a party of ten men left the
Exploits on the 1st of March, 1819, with a most anxious desire, as
they state, of being able to take some of the Indians, and thus,
through them, to open a friendly communication with the rest. The
leader of the party giving strict orders not on any account to
commence hostilities without positive directions. On the 2nd March a
few wigwams were seen and examined, they appeared to be frequented by
the Indians during spring and autumn for the purpose of killing deer.
On the 3rd a fire placed on the side of a brook was seen, where some
Indians had recently slept. On the 4th the party reached a store-house
belonging to the Indians, and on entering it they found five traps
belonging to and recognized as the property of persons in Twillingate,
as also part of a boat's jib--footsteps also were seen about the
store-house, and these tracks were followed with speed and caution. On
the 5th the party reached a very large pond, and foot-marks of two or
more Indians were distinctly discovered, and soon after an Indian was
seen walking in the direction of the spot where the party were
concealed, while three other Indians were perceived further off and
going in a contrary direction. The curiosity of the whole party being
strongly excited, the leader of them showed himself openly on the
point. When the Indian discovered him she was for a moment motionless,
then screamed violently and ran off--at this time the persons in
pursuit were in ignorance as to whether the Indian was male or female.
One of the party immediately started in pursuit, but did not gain on
her until he had taken off his jacket and rackets, when he came up
with her fast; as she kept looking back at her pursuer over her
shoulder; he dropped his gun on the snow and held up his hands to shew
her he was unarmed, and on pointing to his gun, which was some
distance behind, she stopped--he did the same, then he advanced and
gave her his hand, she gave her's to him, and to all the party as they
came up. Seven or eight Indians were then seen repeatedly running off
and on the pond, and shortly three of them came towards the party--the
woman spoke to them, and two of the Indians joined the English, while
the third remained some one hundred yards off. Something being
observed under the cassock of one of the Indians, he was searched and
a hatchet taken from him. The two Indians then took hold of the man
who had seized the Indian woman, and endeavoured to force her away
from him, but not succeeding in this, he tried to get possession of
three different guns, and at last succeeded in geting hold of one,
which he tried to wrest from the man who held it; not being able to
accomplish this, the Indian seized the Englishman by the throat, and
the danger being imminent, three shots were fired, all so
simultaneously that it appeared as if only one gun had been
discharged. The Indian dropped, and his companions immediately fled.
In extenuation of this, to say the least of it, most deplorable event,
it is said, "could we have intimidated him, or persuaded him to leave
us, or even have seen the others go off, we should have been most
happy to have been spared using violence--but when it is remembered
that our small party were in the heart of the Indian country, a
hundred miles from any European settlement, and that there were in our
sight at times, as many Indians as our party amounted to, and we could
not ascertain how many were in the woods that we did not see, it could
not be avoided with safety to ourselves. Had destruction been our
object, we might have carried it much farther."