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The Grey Book by Johan M. Snoek

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It appears that an important factor influencing Church leaders in Bulgaria
to act was their genuine concern. Thus they were easily accessible whenever
their help was needed. It seems to be a small feature in the over-all picture,
but it is significant: Kyril got up early in the morning when it was still
dark and rushed to the rescue of the arrested Jews in Plovdiv; Stephan
received Jewish leaders when he was still in his dressing gown.
Jewish leaders in Israel as well as Jews in Bulgaria who now live under a
Communist government, have expressed their appreciation of the help rendered
by the Church in Bulgaria. We quote the following from the testimony of
Joseph Geron, who served as head of the Jewish community in Sofia, and
afterwards became the Chairman of the Union of Jewish Congregations in
Bulgaria: <193>

"... The witness stressed the fact that the Bulgarian Church, on many
occasions and at different periods, revealed understanding and sympathy
for the Jews, and took important actions for their rescue...
Concerning the Bulgarian Church, her attitude to the Jews was always very
correct, but during the events which accompanied Jewish life under the rule
of Prime Minister Filov, the Church revealed an attitude of open sympathy,
and exercised strong moral pressure on all the decisive factors in Jewish
affairs...
What then were the factors that, directly and indirectly, helped in the
rescue of the Jews of Bulgaria?
One may answer that there were collective and individual factors. Among the
former, the Orthodox Bulgarian Church, with its leaders Stephan, Neophyte and
Paisly, take the first place..." [430]

Of course, in Bulgaria just as in other countries there were many factors
helping to influence the outcome. King Boris and the Cabinet were in a position
to withstand German pressure to some extent if they wished so. The victories
of the Soviet armies made their mark on the minds of the people. It appears,
however, that the activities of the leaders of the Orthodox Church were an
important contribution to the positive outcome. All the Jews of Bulgaria
survived.
Yet, there remains one nagging question: did the Orthodox Church of Bulgaria
try to render any aid to the more than 11,000 Jews who were deported from
the Greek and Yugoslavian territories occupied by Bulgarian troops? It
seems that they did not, but perhaps there was no time to intervene. [431]


30 HUNGARY

a. The Preliminary Phase

In November, 1938, Hungary annexed some Slovakian districts and part of
Sub Carpathian Ruthenia. In March, 1939, the remainder of the latter territory
was annexed. In August, 1940, Hungary occupied Northern Transylvania.
In April, 1941, part of Yugoslavia was occupied. In its enlarged state,
Hungary had a Jewish population of 750,000 within its borders. [432] <194>

On June 22, 1941, Germany invaded Russia and the Hungarians joined forces
with the Germans. On August 8, the third anti-Jewish law was enacted. [433]
This law defined who was to be considered a Jew, according to the well-known
principles of the Nuremberg laws.

"Bishop Ravasz, the leading speaker of the representatives of the Reformed
Church, after having delivered his address of refusal, read a solemn
declaration signed by all the Bishops, and by four general elders, in which
the signatories protested against the passage of the law and disclaimed all
responsibility for its passage." [434]

I have tried to obtain a copy of Bishop Ravasz's address of refusal and of
the declaration mentioned above. Dr. Elek Mathe, of the Reformed Church of
Hungary, replied to my request:

"Unfortunately there is no available copy of the address referred to in your
letter...; even less, newspaper cuttings, for the simple reason that at that
time the daily press was under strict government control and the text of such
an address could not be printed. [435]

In the summer of 1941, the Hungarian government ordered an inquiry into
the citizenship of all the Jewish residents of Northern Hungary. 11,000
Jews unable to give satisfactory proof of their citizenship were deported
to Galicia, where a systematic extermination was carried out by the German
troops.

"Baroness Edith Weisz called on Bishop Ravasz, and asked for his intervention.
The Bishop requested an audience with the Regent, and appearing before him,
informed him of the situation and asked that the Minister of Interior be
instructed to give due regard to humanitarian viewpoints. <195>
Bishop Ravasz then called on Francis Kereszres-Fischer, Minister of the
Interior, who himself later on was carried away by the Germans, warning
him that after the conclusion of the war an account would have to be given
before world Protestantism, of the fate meted out to the Jews.
He requested the adoption of such measures as would enable him to appear
before any foreign Church body in future days, with a clear conscience
regarding these matters.
An end was put to all abuses and the lives of many persons were saved." [436]

Bishop Ravasz thus tried to do something on behalf of non-Hungarian Jews, this
in contrast to the tendency of those in other lands who rendered resistance
only when Jews of their own nationality were deported.

From March, 1942, to March, 1944, Kallay was Prime Minister. His Cabinet
withstood German pressure to deport the Jews.

b. Mass Deportations

On March 17, 1944, Regent Horthy was "invited" to a conference with Hitler,
who informed him of the imminent occupation of Hungary by German troops.
Horthy had to agree to Kallay's dismissal. The aerodromes of Budapest were
seized by a German task force. A new Government was appointed under Sztojay.
The Arrow Cross leader, Laszlo Baky, was appointed Undersecretary of State
in the Ministry of Interior, and Laszlo Endre Administrative Under-secretary
and expert on Jewish affairs. Veesenmayer was appointed as Ambassador to
Hungary and as Plenipotentiary of the German Reich. Eichmann came to Budapest
at the end of March.
On March 29, 1944, it was decreed that all Jews must wear the yellow star.
Concentration of all the Jews took place at a rapid pace. In May, the first
deportation trains left for Auschwitz. At the end of June, 381,661 Jews had
been deported. On July 9, 1944, the total number was 437,402. The evacuation
of the Jews of Budapest was planned for July. <196>
Concerted pressure was exerted on Regent Horthy to stop the deportations.
Switzerland and Sweden made urgent requests. The Turkish and Spanish
governments also intervened. The Papal nuncio was, according to Sztojay,
calling "several times" a day. On July 6, Sztojay informed Veesenmayer that
the Regent had given the order that the deportations should stop. In fact,
the stoppage occurred in the middle of July and it lasted until October.

On April 3, 1944, Bishop Laszlo Ravasz addressed a letter of protest to the
Minister of the Interior. In this document Bishop Ravasz did not object to
the stigmatization of the Jews, but to the regulations that required members
of the Reformed Church to wear the star of David. [437]
At the same time he called on Ambrozy, the Regent's chef de cabinet, and asked
to be granted an audience with the Regent. He was informed that "the Regent
regards himself a prisoner and will not receive anyone".
Subsequently Bishop Ravasz called on the Minister of Interior, who asked him
to return at 7 p.m. the same day.

"Jaross, who kept the Bishop waiting till 8 p.m., agreed, after a heated
argument, to exempt certain Church dignitaries and persons of Jewish origin
who had contracted mixed marriages." [438]

On April 6, the General Assembly of the Reformed Church addressed a petition
to the Prime Minister, urging him to be mindful of the claims of humanitarian
thinking, and demanding the extension of granting exemptions.

"All the activities carried on by the Churches in these days, centred around
the Jewish question. However, as the government was but a mere tool in the
hands of the Nazi regime, expressly antagonistic toward the Churches, it paid
little regard to the action of the Churches.
The results reached accordingly were rather meagre. Yet, meagre as they were,
they meant the saving of many lives.
The most important result was the exemption secured for members of mixed
marriages. This one measure alone meant exemption from the wearing of the
yellow star and its fearful consequences for several thousand families <197>
The Churches already at that time demanded the formation of a body authorised
to grant exemptions whenever individual merits made the granting of the same
justified. This demand, although not granted in its original form, led later
on the recognition of the Regent's right to grant exemption, through which
channel some twenty thousand persons were given exemption. [439]

Under the influence of the news reaching the capital, Bishop Ravasz asked the
Regent - a Protestant - for an audience, which was granted on April 12, 1944.

"He entreated the Regent to abstain from any action in connection with the
Jewish question, for which at some future date he might have to bear the
responsibility, pointing out that the blame for cruelties, should these occur,
would be laid at his door and that he would render himself liable to trial for
same.
'The desperadoes,' said the Bishop, 'will not fail to make an attempt to have
their own accounts paid out of the moral capital of others'. Horthy reassured
the Bishop." [440]

A few days later, however, Baron Zsigmond Perenyi, President of the Upper
House, called upon Bishop Ravasz and informed him of his sad experiences in
Northern Hungary. On April 28, Bishop Ravasz was again received in audience
by the Regent, to whom he passed on the information gathered by Perenyi.
Horthy's answer was as follows:

"Only a few hundred thousands Jews were scheduled to leave the country with
the labour battalions. No harm will befall them, not a hair of their heads
will be touched. They will enjoy the same treatment as the nearly hundred
thousand Hungarian labourers employed abroad?..."

The Regent admitted that complaints had been received from Nyiregyhaza,
whereupon he had sent for the Minister of Interior, Jaross, and had asked
for an investigation to be instituted. Jaross had charged his two Under-
Secretaries with the investigation, and had since reported that a stop had
been put to the scandalous treatment. [441]

On May 9, 1944, Bishop Ravasz called on Prime Minister Sztojay and
protested against the atrocities committed against the Jews. <198>

"He presented the petition of the Reformed Assembly referring to the horrors
which occurred during the concentration of the Jews at Marosvisihely, Kolozsvir,
Kassa and Nagybanya.

The Prime Minister seemed to have been informed about the situation and
declared that he condemned the brutalities, stating that he had given
instructions for the separation to be carried out drastically, but humanely.
"The Jews are a race", he said, "and thus the regulation of the Jewish
problem is not a question of religion, but of race". [442]

On May 17, 1944, the Assembly of the Reformed Church sent a letter to Prime
Minister Sztojay in which two matters were emphasized. First, it recalled the
promises which the Prime Minister had made regarding amelioration of the
cruel measures and, second, it protested against the segregation of the Jews
which had already begun.

"We are compelled to declare that we most resolutely disapprove the segregation
of persons classified as Jews. We are of the opinion that the measures adopted
by Christian Society in times past in this direction, must not be repeated...
The second thing which we have to mention is as yet an anxious presentiment.
Signs are not lacking to show that, besides segregation, the deportation of
the Jews beyond the country's boundaries is also in preparation.
We have to call your Excellency's attention to the tragic developments which
mark the conclusion of Jewish deportations in other countries, and we beg
your Excellency to do all that can be done in order to impede such happenings
and to avert responsibility for such acts from the Royal Government and from
the whole nation." [443]

Bishop Ravasz then tried to join forces with the Roman Catholic Church and
informed the Chairman of the Holy Cross Society (which was charged with the
protection and care of Catholics of Jewish origin) of his willingness to make
the introductory steps for a united action. On June 15, 1944, he sent a letter
to the Primate, Justinian Serkdi, saying that he had already prepared the
draft for a memorandum (of which a copy was included) to be sent to the
Government, as "a final earnest warning" before the Churches should "voice
their solemn declaration in protest, in the presence of the country and the
world".
No reply from Primate Seredi, however, was received. [444] <199>

As nothing could be learned from the press, the authorities of the Church sent
a young pastor to Kassa, the largest ghetto. He returned from his trip of
inspection, reporting that, notwithstanding the protestations and promises
of the Prime Minister, the deportation of Jews had begun.
Therefore pastors were dispatched to carry the text of the memorandum that
had been prepared, to the nine Bishops, in order to obtain their consent.
After they had signed it, a deputation presented it to the Prime Minister,
on June 23, 1944. Its text was as follows:

"In our memorandum of May 19 we mentioned, with foreboding, that there was a
possibility of the deportation of the Hungarian Jews to an unknown destination.
Since then information has reached us, according to which Jews have been
crossing the frontier in sealed wagons day after day, disappearing from our
sight, bound for an unknown destination. Each of these wagons contained
about 70 to 80 persons of different sex, age and social standing, of both
Israelite and Christian faith. The persons deported, as well as, their
relatives are convinced that this journey is leading to final destruction.
The solution of the Jewish question is a political task. We now are not dealing
with politics. The execution of this solution is a great work of administration.
We are not experts on that. But the moment the solution of the Jewish question
challenges the eternal laws of God, we are in duty bound to raise our voice,
condemning, but at the same time imploring, the head of the responsible
Government. We cannot act otherwise.
We have been commanded by God to preach His eternal Gospel, to give evidence of
the unalterable laws of His moral order for this generation, whether people like
it or not. Although humble and sinful men, we, in the bondage of faith and
obedience to this heavenly command, possess the right to give evidence of the
Word of God and to condemn every action which outrages human dignity, justice or
charity, and which loads upon the head of our people the horrible responsibility
of innocently shed blood.
As Bishops of the two Protestant Churches we protest against devout members of
our congregations being punished merely for being considered Jews from a racial
point of view. They are being punished for a Jewish mentality from which they,
and in many cases their ancestors, have solemnly disconnected themselves. Their
lives, as regards Christian spirit and morality, are not considered in the
least. <200>
Finally we, as Hungarians and as clergymen, repeatedly implore Your Excellency
to put an end to the cruelties, even disapproved of by yourself, and to enforce
the declaration made by a prominent member of your Cabinet, protesting against
the very idea of a senseless and cruel destruction of the Jews.
We do not wish to aggravate your Excellency's political position; we even wish
to promote the solution of the great task you have taken upon yourself. For
this reason, for the time being, we do not carry our protest before the
Hungarian public, although this course will incur for us the reproach and
accusation of the leading bodies of the Christian Churches. Should, however,
our intervention prove ineffective, we will be obliged to testify before the
congregations of our Church and the Protestants of the world, that we did
not suppress the message of God.
As a last attempt we appeal, through the kindness of your Hungarian heart and
the Christian feelings of your Excellency, to the leniency of the Royal
Hungarian Government. We desire that this, the most painful manifestation in
our whole history hitherto, should become the case of the Government." [445]

The Bishops were afraid of "the reproach and accusation of the leading bodies
of the Christian Churches", in the event of remaining silent. Apparently the
anticipated verdict of Churches in other countries, and of the World Council of
Churches, was one of the factors which urged action. The Churches made a clear
stand in this memorandum, though certainly not everything in it is of prophetic
power.

The deputation submitting this memorandum, which in its way was a kind of
ultimatum, supported it by word of mouth. Prime Minister Sztojay answered
bluntly:

"The two Secretaries of State of the Ministry of Interior have reported that,
except in certain cases, no atrocities have been committed. Germany has need
of man power, and the Jews are being taken there for labour purposes."

In their reply, the members of the Protestant deputation pointed out to the
Prime Minister that deported babies, pregnant women and old people were
certainly of no use for that purpose. Sztojay's answer to this was that the
authorities did not want the Jews working abroad to feel anxious about the
families they had left behind, nor the families to worry as to the fate of
the deported Jewish men. <201>

The deputation proposed that the Churches be permitted to care for children
whose parents had been selected for such "labour purposes". The Prime Minister
consented to this request, but asked that it be submitted in writing. The
deputation immediately composed and handed over the written request. It was
never answered. [446]

A Confidential Report sent by the Hungarian Protestants to the Secretary of
the World Council of Churches, Geneva, states:

"... Not a single line on all this has been published, either in the
ecclesiastical or in the daily press; for when the first Memorandum was
personally handed over, the Government made it a condition that the whole
intervention be handled with the utmost discretion and no press-comments
whatsoever were to be made: in this case the Government were willing on
their part to do everything possible; if press-comments were made it would
appear as though the Government, considering the echoes in the press, had
taken alleviating i.e. modifying measures in their sudden fear.
The date to answer the last Memorandum expires to-morrow and if no adequate
essential measures are taken by then, uniform sermons and a strongly worded
pastoral letter will be read from every pulpit on next Sunday." [447]

No answer came to the Memorandum. Thus Bishops Ravasz and Kapi decided
to address an open declaration to the congregations and to the Protestant
Christianity of the world:

"We request all our brethren, the pastors belonging to our communions, that
they read the following message to the congregations at the conclusion of
next Sunday's morning service:
To all congregations of the Hungarian Reformed Church and of the Hungarian
Lutheran Church, Grace unto you and peace from God our Father, and the Lord
Jesus Christ.
Brethren in Christ! The undersigned Bishops of the Hungarian Reformed Church
and of the Hungarian Lutheran Church address you and inform you, in the
presence of God, of the steps taken before the Royal Hungarian Government
in the name of the Protestant Churches. <202>
We notify the congregations that the two Protestant Churches, after several
proposals both by word of mouth and in writing, on June 21st presented to
the Royal Hungarian Prime Minister a solemn memorandum of request and
protest. This memorandum pointed out the more than regrettable events
accompanying the concentration and deportation of Jews, whether Christian
or not.
After having stated that the solution of the Jewish question violates
eternal Divine laws, the memorandum continued its proposals as follows:
'We have been commanded by God to preach His eternal Gospel, to give
evidence of the unalterable laws of His moral order in this generation,
whether people like it or not. Although humble and sinful men, we, in the
bondage of faith and obedience to this heavenly command, possess the right
to give evidence of the Word of God and to condemn every action which
outrages human dignity, justice or charity, and which loads upon the head
of our people the horrible responsibility of innocently shed blood.'
At the same time we beseeched the Royal Hungarian Government to put an end
to the cruelties which were also condemned by members of the Cabinet, and
to enforce those declarations that protested against the very suggestion of
the destruction of the Jews, while at the same time they issued orders that
the Jews should be treated humanely. We were deeply afflicted when we were
forced to admit that our entreaties had been in vain.
We, the Bishops of the two Protestant Churches, considered it to be our
duty to inform our faithful, as well as, every member of our congregation
and the universal community of Christ's Holy Church of these events.
We summon the congregations to repentance and the entire Hungarian nation
to penitence under the mighty hand of God. Pray to Him and beseech Him to
turn His mercy and His supporting Grace towards our Hungarian nation."

Your loving brethren in Christ:
the last Sunday in June, 1944. [448]

The proclamation was lithographed and, as a necessary precaution, put into
differently coloured envelopes. It was intended to post it to the two
thousand clergymen in the country from different provincial post offices.
At this juncture, the Minister of Religion and Education sent word by
telephone that a pastoral letter of the Primate, addressed to the Bishops
and priests of the Roman Catholic Church, had been intercepted and that the
Government wished to have a conference with the Churches. On July 11, 1944,
the Minister visited Bishop Ravasz, who was ill.

"The Minister declared that the Prime Minister had promised the abolition
of atrocities, the cessation of further deportations and that the isolation
of the Jews would be carried out in a humane manner. 'That,' he said, 'was
the agreement with the Catholic Church'. <203>
He could not at that time produce it in writing, but that was the text and
essential contents of the agreement with the Catholics.
At great length he persuaded and threatened the sick Bishop that if they
persisted in protesting in public, the Church would be 'overwhelmed', or
the Government might resign, thereby paving the way for the coming into
power of the Arrow Cross Party. If, however, they came to an agreement,
the lives of 250,000 Budapest Jews would be saved." [449]

Bishop Ravasz believed the Minister's statement regarding the agreement
with the Primate, but he insisted that the clergy should, at any event,
be allowed to read out a short note in the Reformed Churches. This note
was immediately drafted. It reads as follows:

"Reverend Pastor! We request that you read the following announcement at
the conclusion of next Sunday's morning service [July, 16]:
'The Bishops of the Reformed Church of Hungary and the Evangelical (Lutheran)
Church of Hungary wish to inform the congregations that in connection with
the Jewish question, and particularly in the case of baptised Jews, they
have repeatedly intervened with the competent Government authorities. Their
endeavours in this respect are continuing'." [450]

It is difficult to answer the question whether it was the right decision
to cancel the public proclamation of the pastoral letter form all the pulpits.
Dr. Mathe wrote to me:

"... This circular [the pastoral letter] reached all the pastors, and they
undoubtedly communicated its contents to most of their parishioners." [451]

The deportations were stopped.
The Archbishop of Canterbury addressed "the Christian people of Hungary"
through the B.B.C., in July, 1944. He begged them "to do your utmost, even
taking great personal risks, in order to save some if you can". [452] This
appeal may have had more direct, practical effects than the short note that
was read out from the pulpits.
<204>

c. The Terror at the End

On October 15, 1944, Regent Horthy was arrested by the Germans and the new
Nazi-dominated regime of Szalasi was installed. On October 20, 22,000 Jewish
men were rounded up. By the end of October, 35,000 Jewish men and women
had been seized. The majority of them were marched off to Austria, without
food. All who fainted and fell, were killed on the spot.
The 160,000 Jews who had remained in Budapest were herded into a ghetto
where they were exposed to raids by German and Hungarian Nazis, and to the
bombardments of the Russian guns.
On December 13, 1944, the Russians stormed Budapest. On January 18, 1945,
the ghetto was liberated by the Red Army. The fighting for the Buda citadel
continued until February 13, 1945.

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