A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents by James D. Richardson

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A COMPILATION OF THE MESSAGES AND PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS

BY JAMES D. RICHARDSON

A REPRESENTATIVE FROM THE STATE OF TENNESSEE

VOLUME X

1902

Prefatory Note

This volume closes the task, entered upon by me in April, 1895, of
compiling all the official papers of the Presidents. Instead of finding
it the labor of a year, as I supposed it would be when I undertook it,
the work has occupied me closely for more than four years. A great
portion of this time has been consumed in the preparation of the Index.
The Index is mainly the work of my son, James D. Richardson, jr., who
prepared it with such assistance as I could give him. He has given
his entire time to it for three years. Every reference in it has been
examined and compared with the text by myself. We have endeavored
to make it full, accurate, and comprehensive, with numerous cross
references. There will be found in this Index a large number of
encyclopedic articles, which are intended, in part at least, to furnish
the reader definitions of politico-historical words and phrases
occurring in the papers of the Chief Magistrates, or to develop more
fully questions or subjects to which only indirect reference is made or
which are but briefly discussed by them. There will also be found short
accounts of several hundred battles in which the armies of the United
States have been engaged; also descriptions of all the States of the
Union and of many foreign countries. We have striven earnestly to make
these encyclopedic articles historically correct, and to this end have
carefully compared them with the most eminent authorities. This feature
was not within the scope of the work as contemplated when the resolution
authorizing the compilation was passed, nor when the act was passed
requiring the preparation of the Index; but with the approval of the
Joint Committee on Printing I have inserted the articles, believing that
they would be of interest. They contain facts and valuable information
not always easily accessible, and it is hoped that they will serve to
familiarize the young men of the country who read them with its history
and its trials and make of them better citizens and more devoted lovers
of our free institutions. There has been no effort or inclination on my
part to give partisan bias or political coloring of any nature to these
articles. On the other hand, I have sought only to furnish reliable
historical data and well-authenticated definitions and to avoid even the
appearance of an expression of my own opinion. It is proper to add that
these articles have all been read and approved by Mr. A.R. Spofford,
Chief Assistant Librarian of Congress, to whom I now make acknowledgment
of my indebtedness.

In pursuance of the plan originally adopted certain papers were
omitted from the earlier volumes of this work. Referring to these
papers, the following statement occurs in the Prefatory Note to Volume
I: "In executing the commission with which I have been charged I have
sought to bring together in the several volumes of the series all
Presidential proclamations, addresses, messages, and communications to
Congress excepting those nominating persons to office and those which
simply transmit treaties, and reports of heads of Departments which
contain no recommendation from the Executive." In the Prefatory Note to
Volume IX the statement was made that this course was a mistake, and
"that the work to be exhaustive should comprise every message of the
Presidents transmitting reports of heads of Departments and other
communications, no matter how brief or unintelligible the papers were in
themselves, and that to make them intelligible I should insert editorial
footnotes explaining them. Having acted upon the other idea in making up
Volume I and a portion of Volume II, quite a number of such brief papers
were intentionally omitted. Being convinced that all the papers of the
Executives should be inserted, the plan was modified accordingly, and
the endeavor was thereafter made to publish all of them. In order,
however, that the compilation maybe 'accurate and exhaustive,' I have
gone back and collected all the papers--those which should have appeared
in Volumes I and II as well as such as were unintentionally omitted from
the succeeding volumes--excepting those simply making nominations, and
shall publish them in an appendix in the last volume." These omitted
papers, with editorial footnotes, have been inserted in the Appendix,
and appear in the Index in alphabetical order, so that no serious
inconvenience will result to the reader.

The compilation properly closed with President Cleveland's second
Administration, March 4, 1897, but as the Spanish-American War excited
great interest I determined, after conferring with the Joint Committee
on Printing, to publish the official papers of President McKinley which
relate exclusively to that war. These will be found in the Appendix.

I have been greatly assisted in the work of compilation by Mr. A.P.
Marston, of the Proof Room of the Government Printing Office. Without
his valuable assistance in searching for and obtaining the various
papers and his painstaking care in the verification of data the work
would not have been so complete. Mr. Charles T. Hendler, of the State
Branch of the Government Printing Office, rendered timely aid in
procuring proclamations from the archives of the State Department.
To these gentlemen I make proper acknowledgments.

The work has met with public favor far beyond all expectations, and
words of praise for it have come from all classes and callings. Those
who possess it may be assured that they have in their libraries all the
official utterances of the Presidents of the United States from 1789 to
1897 that could possibly be found after the most diligent search, and
that these utterances are not to be found complete in any other
publication.

I close by quoting from the Prefatory Note to Volume I: "If my work
shall prove satisfactory to Congress and the country, I will feel
compensated for my time and effort."

JAMES D. RICHARDSON.

JULY 4, 1899.

APPENDIX

Messages, Proclamations, Executive Orders, etc.,
Omitted from Volumes I to IX

SPECIAL MESSAGES, ETC.

SATURDAY, _August 22, 1789_.[1]

[Footnote 1: See message of August 21, 1789, Vol. I, p. 61.]

The President of the United States came into the Senate Chamber,
attended by General Knox, and laid before the Senate the following state
of facts, with the questions thereto annexed, for their advice and
consent:

"To conciliate the powerful tribes of Indians in the southern district,
amounting probably to 14,000 fighting men, and to attach them firmly to
the United States, may be regarded as highly worthy of the serious
attention of Government.

"The measure includes not only peace and security to the whole southern
frontier, but is calculated to form a barrier against the colonies of a
European power which in the mutations of policy may one day become the
enemy of the United States. The fate of the Southern States, therefore,
or the neighboring colonies may principally depend on the present
measures of the Union toward the southern Indians.

"By the papers which have been laid before the Senate it will appear
that in the latter end of the year 1785 and the beginning of 1786
treaties were formed by the United States with the Cherokees, the
Chickesaws, and Choctaws. The report of the commissioners will show the
reasons why a treaty was not formed at the same time with the Creeks.

"It will also appear by the papers that the States of North Carolina and
Georgia protested against said treaties as infringing their legislative
rights and being contrary to the Confederation. It will further appear
by the said papers that the treaty with the Cherokees has been entirely
violated by the disorderly white people on the frontiers of North
Carolina.

"The opinion of the late Congress respecting the said violation will
sufficiently appear by the proclamation which they caused to be issued
on the 1st of September, 1788.

"By the public newspapers it appears that on the 16th of June last a
truce was concluded with the Cherokees by Mr. John Steele on behalf of
the State of North Carolina, in which it was stipulated that a treaty
should be held as soon as possible and that in the meantime all
hostilities should cease on either side.

"As the Cherokees reside principally within the territory claimed by
North Carolina, and as that State is not a member of the present Union,
it may be doubted whether any efficient measures in favor of the
Cherokees could be immediately adopted by the General Government.

"The commissioners for negotiating with the southern Indians may be
instructed to transmit a message to the Cherokees, stating to them as
far as may be proper the difficulties arising from the local claims of
North Carolina, and to assure them that the United States are not
unmindful of the treaty at Hopewell, and as soon as the difficulties
which are at present opposed to the measure shall be removed the
Government will do full justice to the Cherokees.

"The distance of the Choctaws and Chickesaws from the frontier
settlements seems to have prevented those tribes from being involved in
similar difficulties with the Cherokees.

"The commissioners may be instructed to transmit messages to the said
tribes containing assurances of the continuance of the friendship of the
United States and that measures will soon be taken for extending a trade
to them agreeably to the treaties of Hopewell. The commissioners may
also be directed to report a plan for the execution of the said treaties
respecting trade.

"But the case of the Creek Nation is of the highest importance and
requires an immediate decision. The cause of the hostilities between
Georgia and the Creeks is stated to be a difference in judgment
concerning three treaties made between the said parties, to wit, at
Augusta in 1783, at Galphinton in 1785, and at Shoulderbone in 1786.
The State of Georgia asserts and the Creeks deny the validity of the
said treaties.

"Hence arises the indispensable necessity of having all the
circumstances respecting the said treaties critically investigated by
commissioners of the United States, so that the further measures of
Government may be formed on a full knowledge of the case.

"In order that the investigation may be conducted with the highest
impartiality, it will be proper, in addition to the evidence of the
documents in the public possession, that Georgia should be represented
at this part of the proposed treaty with the Creek Nation.

"It is, however, to be observed, in any issue of the inquiry, that it
would be highly embarrassing to Georgia to relinquish that part of the
lands stated to have been ceded by the Creeks lying between the Ogeeche
and Oconee rivers, that State having surveyed and divided the same among
certain descriptions of its citizens, who settled and planted thereon
until dispossessed by the Indians.

"In case, therefore, the issue of the investigation should be
unfavorable to the claims of Georgia, the commissioners should be
instructed to use their best endeavors to negotiate with the Creeks
a solemn conveyance of the said lands to Georgia.

"By the report of the commissioners who were appointed under certain
acts of the late Congress by South Carolina and Georgia it appears that
they have agreed to meet the Creeks on the 15th of September ensuing.
As it is with great difficulty the Indians are collected together at
certain seasons of the year, it is important that the above occasion
should be embraced if possible on the part of the present Government
to form a treaty with the Creeks. As the proposed treaty is of great
importance to the future tranquillity of the State of Georgia as well
as of the United States, it has been thought proper that it should be
conducted on the part of the General Government by Commissioners whose
local situations may free them from the imputation of prejudice on this
subject.

"As it is necessary that certain principles should be fixed previously
to forming instructions for the commissioners, the following questions
arising out of the foregoing communications are stated by the President
of the United States and the advice of the Senate requested thereon:

"First. In the present state of affairs between North Carolina and
the United States will it be proper to take any other measures for
redressing the injuries of the Cherokees than the one herein suggested?

"Second. Shall the commissioners be instructed to pursue any other
measures respecting the Chickesaws and Choctaws than those herein
suggested?

"Third. If the commissioners shall adjudge that the Creek Nation was
fully represented at the three treaties with Georgia, and that the
cessions of land were obtained with the full understanding and free
consent of the acknowledged proprietors, and that the said treaties
ought to be considered as just and equitable, in this case shall
the commissioners be instructed to insist on a formal renewal and
confirmation thereof, and in case of a refusal shall they be instructed
to inform the Creeks that the arms of the Union shall be employed to
compel them to acknowledge the justice of the said cessions?

"Fourth. But if the commissioners shall adjudge that the said treaties
were formed with an inadequate or unauthorized representation of the
Creek Nation, or that the treaties were held under circumstances of
constraint or unfairness of any sort, so that the United States could
not with justice and dignity request or urge a confirmation thereof,
in this case shall the commissioners, considering the importance of the
Oconee lands to Georgia, be instructed to use their highest exertions
to obtain a cession of said lands? If so, shall the commissioners be
instructed, if they can not obtain the said cessions on better terms,
to offer for the same and for the further great object of attaching the
Creeks to the Government of the United States the following conditions:

"First. A compensation, in money or goods, to the amount of $----,
the said amount to be stipulated to be paid by Georgia at the period
which shall be fixed, or in failure thereof by the United States.

"Second. A secure port on the Altamaha or St. Marys rivers, or at any
other place between the same as may be mutually agreed to by the
commissioners and the Creeks.

"Third. Certain pecuniary considerations to some and honorary military
distinctions to other influential chiefs on their taking oaths of
allegiance to the United States.

"Fourth. A solemn guaranty by the United States to the Creeks of their
remaining territory, and to maintain the same, if necessary, by a line
of military posts.

"Fifth. But if all offers should fail to induce the Creeks to make
the desired cessions to Georgia, shall the commissioners make it an
ultimatum?

"Sixth. If the said cessions shall not be made an ultimatum, shall the
commissioners proceed and make a treaty and include the disputed lands
within the limits which shall be assigned to the Creeks? If not, shall a
temporary boundary be marked making the Oconee the line, and the other
parts of the treaty be concluded? In this case shall a secure port be
stipulated and the pecuniary and honorary considerations granted? In
other general objects shall the treaties formed at Hopewell with the
Cherokees, Chickesaws, and Choctaws be the basis of a treaty with the
Creeks?

"Seventh. Shall the sum of $20,000 appropriated to Indian expenses and
treaties be wholly applied, if necessary, to a treaty with the Creeks?
If not, what proportion?"

Whereupon the Senate proceeded to give their advice and consent.

The first question, viz, "In the present state of affairs between North
Carolina and the United States will it be proper to take any other
measures for redressing the injuries of the Cherokees than the one
herein suggested?" was, at the request of the President of the United
States, postponed.

The second question, viz, "Shall the commissioners be instructed to
pursue any other measures respecting the Chickesaws and Choctaws than
those herein suggested?" being put, was answered in the negative.

The consideration of the remaining questions was postponed till Monday
next.

MONDAY, _August 24_.

The President of the United States being present in the Senate Chamber,
attended by General Knox--

The Senate resumed the consideration of the state of facts, and
questions thereto annexed, laid before them by the President of the
United States on Saturday last; and the first question, viz, "In the
present state of affairs between North Carolina and the United States
will it be proper to take any other measures for redressing the injuries
of the Cherokees than the one herein suggested?" being put, was answered
in the negative.

The third question, viz, "If the commissioners shall adjudge that the
Creek Nation was fully represented at the three treaties with Georgia,
and that the cessions of land Were obtained with the full understanding
and free consent of the acknowledged proprietors, and that the said
treaties ought to be considered as just and equitable, in this case
shall the commissioners be instructed to insist on a formal renewal and
confirmation thereof, and in case of a refusal shall they be instructed
to inform the Creeks that the arms of the Union shall be employed to
compel them to acknowledge the justice of the said cessions?" was wholly
answered in the affirmative.

The fourth question and its four subdivisions, "But if the commissioners
shall adjudge that the said treaties were formed with an inadequate or
unauthorized representation of the Creek Nation, or that the treaties
were held under circumstances of constraint or unfairness of any sort,
so that the United States could not with justice and dignity request or
urge a confirmation thereof, in this case shall the commissioners,
considering the importance of the Oconee lands to Georgia, be instructed
to use their highest exertions to obtain a cession of said lands? If so,
shall the commissioners be instructed, if they can not obtain the said
cessions on better terms, to offer for the same and for the further
great object of attaching the Creeks to the Government of the United
States the following conditions: First. A compensation, in money or
goods, to the amount of $----, the said amount to be stipulated to be
paid by Georgia at the period which shall be fixed, or in failure
thereof by the United States. Second. A secure port on the Altamaha or
on St. Marys River, or at any other place between the same as may be
mutually agreed to by the commissioners and the Creeks. Third. Certain
pecuniary considerations to some and honorary military distinctions to
other influential chiefs on their taking oaths of allegiance to the
United States. Fourth. A solemn guaranty by the United States to the
Creeks of their remaining territory, and to maintain the same, if
necessary, by a line of military posts," was wholly answered in the
affirmative. The blank to be filled at the discretion of the President
of the United States.

The fifth question, viz, "But if all offers should fail to induce the
Creeks to make the desired cessions to Georgia, shall the commissioners
make it an ultimatum?" was answered in the negative.

The sixth question being divided, the first part, containing as follows,
viz, "If the said cessions shall not be made an ultimatum, shall the
commissioners proceed and make a treaty and include the disputed lands
within the limits which shall be assigned to the Creeks?" was answered
in the negative.

The remainder, viz: "If not, shall a temporary boundary be marked making
the Oconee the line, and the other parts of the treaty be concluded?"

"In this case shall a secure port be stipulated and the pecuniary and
honorary considerations granted?"

"Is other general objects shall the treaties formed at Hopewell with the
Cherokees, Chickesaws, and Choctaws be the basis of a treaty with the
Creeks?" were all answered in the affirmative.

On the seventh question, viz, "Shall the sum of $20,000 appropriated
to Indian expenses and treaties be wholly applied, if necessary, to
a treaty with the Creeks? If not, what proportion?" it was agreed to
advise and consent to appropriate the whole sum, if necessary, at the
discretion of the President of the United States.

The President of the United States withdrew from the Senate Chamber, and
the Vice-President put the question of adjournment, to which the Senate
agreed.

UNITED STATES, _September 26, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Having yesterday received a letter written in this month by the governor
of Rhode Island at the request and in behalf of the general assembly of
that State, addressed to the President, the Senate, and the House of
Representatives of the eleven United States of America in Congress
assembled, I take the earliest opportunity of laying a copy of it before
you.

Go. WASHINGTON.

STATE OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS,
_In General Assembly, September Session, 1789_.

_To the President, the Senate, and the House of Representatives of the
Eleven United States of America in Congress assembled_:

The critical situation in which the people of this State are placed
engage us to make these assurances on their behalf of their attachment
and friendship to their sister States and of their disposition to
cultivate mutual harmony and friendly intercourse. They know themselves
to be a handful, comparatively viewed; and although they now stand, as
it were, alone, they have not separated themselves or departed from the
principles of that Confederation which was formed by the sister States
in their struggle for freedom and in the hour of danger. They seek by
this memorial to call to your remembrance the hazards which we have run,
the hardships we have endured, the treasure we have spent, and the blood
we have lost together in one common cause, and especially the object
we had in view--the preservation of our liberty; wherein, ability
considered, they may truly say they were equal in exertions with the
foremost, the effects whereof, in great embarrassments and other
distresses consequent thereon, we have since experienced with severity;
which common sufferings and common danger we hope and trust yet form a
bond of union and friendship not easily to be broken.

Our not having acceded to or adopted the new system of government formed
and adopted by most of our sister States we doubt not have given
uneasiness to them. That we have not seen our way clear to do it
consistent with our idea of the principles upon which we all embarked
together has also given pain to us. We have not doubted but we might
thereby avoid present difficulties, but we have apprehended future
mischief. The people of this State from its first settlement have been
accustomed and strongly attached to a democratical form of government.
They have viewed in the Constitution an approach, though perhaps but
small, toward that form of government from which we have lately
dissolved our connection at so much hazard and expense of life and
treasure; they have seen with pleasure the administration thereof from
the most important trust downward committed to men who have highly
merited and in whom the people of the United States place unbounded
confidence. Yet even in this circumstance, in itself so fortunate, they
have apprehended danger by way of precedent. Can it be thought strange,
then, that with these impressions they should wait to see the proposed
system organized and in operation, to see what further checks and
securities would be agreed to and established, by way of amendments,
before they could adopt it as a constitution of government for
themselves and their posterity? These amendments, we believe, have
already afforded some relief and satisfaction to the minds of the people
of this State, and we earnestly look for the time when they may with
clearness and safety be again united with their sister States under a
constitution and form of government so well poised as neither to need
alteration or be liable thereto by a majority only of nine States out of
thirteen--a circumstance which may possibly take place against the sense
of a majority of the people of the United States. We are sensible of the
extremes to which democratical government is sometimes liable, something
of which we have lately experienced; but we esteem them temporary and
partial evils compared with the loss of liberty and the rights of a free
people. Neither do we apprehend they will be marked with severity by our
sister States when it is considered that during the late trouble the
whole United States, notwithstanding their joint wisdom and efforts,
fell into the like misfortune; that from our extraordinary exertions
this State was left in a situation nearly as embarrassing as that
during the war; that in the measures which were adopted government
unfortunately had not that aid and support from the moneyed interest
which our sister States of New York and the Carolinas experienced under
similar circumstances; and especially when it is considered that upon
some abatement of that fermentation in the minds of the people which is
so common in the collision of sentiments and of parties a disposition
appears to provide a remedy for the difficulties we have labored under
on that account. We are induced to hope that we shall not be altogether
considered as foreigners having no particular affinity or connection
with the United States, but that trade and commerce, upon which the
prosperity of this State much depends, will be preserved as free and
open between this and the United States as our different situations at
present can possibly admit; earnestly desiring and proposing to adopt
such commercial regulations on our part as shall not tend to defeat the
collection of the revenue of the United States, but rather to act in
conformity to or cooperate therewith, and desiring also to give the
strongest assurances that we shall during our present situation use our
utmost endeavors to be in preparation from time to time to answer our
proportion of such part of the interest or principal of the foreign and
domestic debt as the United States shall judge expedient to pay and
discharge.

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