Narrative of the Life of J.D. Green, a Runaway Slave, from Kentucky by Jacob D. Green
J >>
Jacob D. Green >> Narrative of the Life of J.D. Green, a Runaway Slave, from Kentucky
This step (of secession) once taken, can never be recalled; and all the
baleful and withering consequences that must follow, will rest on the
convention for all coming time. When we and our posterity shall see our
lovely South desolated by the demon of war, which this act of yours will
inevitably invite and call forth; when our green fields of waving harvests
shall be trodden down by the murderous soldiery and fiery car of war
sweeping over our land; our temples of justice laid in ashes; all the
horrors and desolations of war upon us; who, but this Convention will be
held responsible for it? and but him who shall have given his vote for
this unwise and ill-timed measure, as I honestly think and believe, shall
be held to strict account for this suicidal act by the present generation,
and probably cursed and execrated by posterity for all coming time, for
the wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably follow this act you now
propose to perpetrate? Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment
what reason you can give that will even satisfy yourselves in calmer
moments--what reasons you can give to your fellow-sufferers in this
calamity that it will bring upon us. What reasons can you give to the
nations of the earth to justify it? They will be the calm and deliberate
judges in the case? and what cause or one overt act can you name or point,
on which to rest the plea of justification? What right has the North
assailed? What interest of the South has been invaded? What justice has
been denied? and what claim founded in justice and right has been
withheld? Can either of you to-day name one governmental act of wrong
deliberately and purposely done by the government of Washington, of which
the South has a right to complain? I challenge the answer. While, on the
other hand, let me show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, I am not
here the advocate of the North; but I am here the friend, the firm friend
and lover of the South and her institutions; and for this reason I speak
thus plainly and faithfully--for yours, mine, and every other man's
interest--the words of truth and soberness), of which I wish you to judge;
and I will only state facts which are clear and undeniable, and which now
stand as records authentic in the history of our country. When we of the
South demanded the slave trade or importation of Africans for the
cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the right for twenty years?
When we asked a three-fifths representation in congress for our slaves was
it not granted? When we asked and demanded the return of any fugitive from
justice, or the recovery of those persons owing labor and allegiance, was
it not incorporated in the constitution, and again ratified and
strengthened in the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850. But do you reply that in
many instances they have violated this compact and have not been faithful
to their engagements? As individual and local communities they may have
done so; but not by the sanction of government for that has always been
true to Southern interest. Again, gentleman, look at another fact, when we
have asked that more territory should be added, that we might spread the
institution of slavery, have they not yielded to our demands in giving us
Louisiana, Florida, and Texas out of which four States have been carved
and ample territory for four more to be added in due time, if you by this
unwise and impolitic act do not destroy this hope and perhaps, by it lose
all, and have your last slave wrenched from you by stern military rule, as
South America and Mexico were; or by the vindictive decree of a universal
emancipation, which may reasonably be expected to follow. But, again,
gentlemen, what have we to gain by this proposed change of our relation to
the general government? We have always had the control of it, and can yet,
if we remain in it and are as united as we have been. We have had a
majority of the presidents chosen from the South, as well as the control
and management of most of those chosen from the North. We have had sixty
years of Southern presidents to their twenty-four, thus controlling the
executive department. So of the judges of the Supreme Court, we have had
eighteen from the South, and but eleven from the North; although nearly
four-fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the Free States, yet a
majority of the court has always been from the South. This we have
required so as to guard against any interpretation of the constitution
unfavourable to us. In like manner we have been equally watchful to guard
our interests in the legislative branch of government. In choosing the
presiding president (_pro. tem._) of the Senate, we have had twenty-four
to their eleven. Speakers of the house we have had twenty-three, and they
twelve. While the majority of the representatives, from their greater
population, have always been from the North, yet we have so generally
secured the speaker, because he, to a greater extent, shapes and controls
the legislation of the country. Nor have we had less control in every
other department of the general government. Attorney-Generals we have had
fourteen, while the North have had but five. Foreign ministers we have had
eighty-six and they but fifty-four. While three-fourths of the business
which demands diplomatic agents abroard is clearly from the Free States,
from their greater commercial interests, yet we have had the principal
embassies, so as to secure the world's markets for our cotton, tobacco,
and sugar on the best possible terms. We have had a vast majority of the
higher offices of both army and navy, while a larger proportion of the
soldiers and sailors were drawn from the North. Equally so of clerks,
auditors, and comptrollers filling the executive department, the records
show for the last fifty years that of the three thousand thus employed, we
have had more than two-thirds of the same, while we have but one-third of
the white population of the republic. Again, look at another item, and
one, be assured, in which we have a great and vital interest; it is that
of revenue, or means of supporting government. From official documents we
learn that a fraction over three-fourths of the revenue collected for the
support of government has uniformly been raised from the North. Pause now
while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefully and candidly these
important items. Leaving out of view, for the present, the countless
millions of dollars you must expend in a war with the North; with tens of
thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle, and offered up as
sacrifices upon the altar of your ambition--and for what? we ask again. Is
it for the overthrow of the American government, established by our common
ancestry, cemented and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on
the broad principles of right, justice, and humanity? And, as such, I must
declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by
the greatest and wisest of statesmen and patriots in this and other lands,
that it is the best and freest government--the most equal in its rights,
the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the
most inspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men, that the sun
of heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a
government as this, under which we have lived for more than three-quarters
of a century--in which we have gained our wealth, our standing as a
nation, our domestic safety while the elements of peril are around us,
with peace and tranquility accompanied with unbounded prosperity and
rights unassailed--is the height of _madness_, _folly_, and _wickedness_,
to which I can neither lend my sanction nor my vote.
* * * * *
THE CONFEDERATE AND THE SCOTTISH CLERGY ON SLAVERY.
Some three months ago, we published an "Address to Christians throughout
the world," by "the clergy of the Confederate States of America;" and
yesterday we published a reply to that address, signed by nearly a
thousand ministers of the various Churches in Scotland. The Confederate
address begins with a solemn declaration that its scope is not political
but purely religious--that it is sent forth "in the name of our Holy
Christianity," and in the interests of "the cause of our most Blessed
Master." Immediately after making this declaration, however, the
Confederate divines commence a long series of arguments designed to prove
that the war cannot restore the Union; that the Southern States had a
right to secede; that having seceded, their separation from the North is
final; that the proclamation of PRESIDENT LINCOLN, seeking to free the
slaves is a most horrible and wicked measure, calling for "solemn protest
on the part of the people of GOD throughout the world;" that the war
against the Confederacy has made no progress; and there seems no
likelihood of the United States accomplishing any good by its continuance.
This may be esteemed good gospel teaching in the Confederate States, but
in this country it would be thought to have very little connection with
"the cause of our most Blessed Master." But the Southern clergymen reserve
for the close of their address the defence of the grand dogma of their
religion--the doctrine that negro slavery as carried out in the Southern
States of America "is not incompatible with our holy Christianity."
Stupendous as this proposition may appear to the British mind, it offers
no difficulty to these learned and pious men. Nay, they are not only
convinced that slavery is "not incompatible" with Christianity, but they
boldly affirm that it is a divinely established institution, designed to
promote the temporal happiness and eternal salvation of the negro race,
and that all efforts to bring about the abolition of slavery are
sacrilegious attempts to interfere with the "plans of Divine Providence."
"We testify in the sight of GOD," say the clergy of the Confederate
States, "that the relation of master and slave among us, however we may
deplore abuses in this, as in any other relations of mankind, is not
incompatible with our holy Christianity, and that the presence of the
Africans in our land is an occasion of gratitude on their behalf before
_God_; seeing that thereby Divine Providence has brought them where
missionaries of the cross may freely proclaim to them the word of
salvation, and the work is not interrupted by agitating fanaticism. * * *
We regard Abolitionism as an interference with the plans of Divine
Providence. It has not the signs of the Lord's blessing. It is a
fanaticism which puts forth no good fruit; instead of blessing, it has
brought forth cursing; instead of love, hatred, instead of life,
death--bitterness and sorrow, and pain; and infidelity and moral
degeneracy follow its labours." There is no shirking of the question here.
Slavery is proclaimed to be the GOD-appointed means for the regeneration
of the African race, and those who seek to bring about the emancipation of
the slaves are branded as apostles of infidelity. Upon these grounds, the
confederate clergy appeal to Christians throughout the world to aid them
in creating a sentiment against this war--"against persecution for
conscience' sake, against the ravaging of the church of GOD by fanatical
invasion."
In their reply to this appeal, the Scottish ministers do what the
Confederate ministers professed their intention of doing--they avoid every
thing in the shape of political discussion. Among those gentlemen there is
no doubt considerable difference of opinion respecting the two parties in
the civil war; but they say nothing of that, and address themselves
exclusively to the question of slavery. Happily, there is no difference of
opinion upon that point among men who take upon themselves the high office
of preaching God's word in this country. The Scottish Ministers, in
powerful and manly language, express the "deep grief, alarm, and
indignation" with which they have seen men who profess to be servants of
the Lord Jesus Christ defend slavery as a Christian institution, worthy of
being perpetuated and extended, not only without regret, but with entire
satisfaction and approval. "Against all this," say they, "in the name of
that holy faith and that thrice holy name which they venture to invoke on
the side of a system which treats immortal and redeemed men as goods and
chattels, denies them the rights of marriage and of home, consigns them to
ignorance of the first rudiments of education, and exposes them to the
outrages of lust and passion--we must earnestly and emphatically protest."
We believe that this is the answer of the whole British community to the
appeal of the Confederate clergy. However much the public sentiment may
have been misled respecting the rights and the wrongs of the two parties
in the war, it cannot but be sound at the core on the subject of slavery.
There are many thousands of people who have not the slightest sympathy
with slavery, and who yet sympathise with the slave-owners because they
have a vague impression that the Southerners are brave gentlemen and the
Northerners base mechanics. They have managed by some strange process to
separate the cause of slavery from the cause of the slaveowner, and while
they rejoice at every success which tends towards the establishment of a
confederacy which is to have slavery as the "head stone of the corner,"
they continue to pray as fervently as ever that the fetters of the slaves
may be broken. All such people--and they constitute the mass of the
Southern sympathisers in this country--must be ready to repudiate with the
sternest indignation this attempt to connect the holy religion of Christ
with the most horrible oppression which the cruelty and cupidity of man
ever created.
But it is not enough that the Confederate defence of slavery should be
rejected. It was proper that the Scottish ministers of religion should
deal only with the religious aspect of the question, but it is the duty of
every man who feels that he has any influence in the world--and there is
no man who has not some--to study the political lessons which the address
affords. There can be no doubt that the appeal expresses the genuine
sentiment of the Southern States, softened down by whatever softening
influence there may be in their peculiar kind of Christianity, and shaped
to offend as little as possible the prejudices of British readers. And
what does it show us? Does it show us that emancipation is more likely to
follow from the success of the Southern society which assumes to be at the
helm of all schemes of religion and philanthropy, not only has no desire
to put an end to slavery, but regards it in such a light that it will be
its duty _to extend it as much as possible_. The Southern clergy say that
the relation of master and slave is "not incompatible with our holy
Christianity;" why, therefore, should they seek to get rid of it? From a
thousand pulpits this language will be sent forth week after week, and it
is clear that the religion of the Confederate States will be employed only
to convince the slaveowner that he is doing perfectly right in
perpetuating a system which enables him to buy men and women as chattels,
and to obtain command of human bodies and minds at the prices current of
the market. Then, the Southern clergy think it a cause for gratitude to
God on behalf of the negroes "that He has brought them where missionaries
of the Cross might freely proclaim to them the word of salvation." Will it
not, therefore, be the duty of the Southern clergy to extend those
blessings to new millions of Africans, and thus carry out the "plans of
Divine Providence?" Is the whole tendency of this argument not to elevate
the horrible trade of the slave-catcher to the same high level with the
noble office of the missionary? Proclaiming as they do that the capture of
Africans and their removal into slavery in the Southern States is God's
own missionary plan, the Confederate clergy and people will consider it as
much their duty to equip slave-ships with cargoes of manacles and send
them forth accompanied by the prayers of the churches, as it is now our
duty to send forth missionary-ships laden with Bibles and preachers of the
gospel. Then the heathen world will know what missionary Christianity
really is. Thousand of Africans, caught on the west coast, will be torn
from their families and taken chained on board ship; should they survive
the horrors of the passage, they will be set to hard work under laws which
permit of almost any degree of corporeal punishment and which deprive them
of all the rights of men; and they will be told to thank GOD who has
brought them into the blessed light of the Gospel! Let not the man who
cannot reconcile his sympathies in the American struggle with his
convictions on the question of slavery pooh-pooh this as an extravagant
fancy picture of something that never can occur. It is exactly the
missionary scheme which the Confederate clergy call "the plan of Divine
Providence;" and supposing a powerful Southern Confederacy to be
established, what is to prevent its being accomplished? Not the religious
and philanthropic feelings of the Confederates; for the religious and
philanthropic feelings of the confederates are all for a revival of the
slave trade. Not treaties concluded with foreign nations; for a people
holding such sentiments could never make a treaty shutting themselves out
from the most promising field of missionary labour; or if forced by
circumstances to conclude it, their religious convictions would urge them
to break it at any moment. In fact, were a powerful nationality once
established, with interests and religious convictions all pointing in the
way of reviving the slave trade, it would be utterly impossible to prevent
a resumption of that abominable traffic.
We have dealt with the professed convictions of the Southern ministers as
sincere convictions. We should be sorry to accuse any body of men
professing to be teachers of the Christian religion of intentional
insincerity, and although we can hardly conceive the possibility of men
who base their religion upon the same Bible upon which we rest ours,
attempting sincerely to justify slavery upon religious grounds, we would
rather attribute the extraordinary moral obliquity which the attempt
exhibits to the demoralising influence of the slave system than to actual
hypocrisy. The spectacle of a crowd of learned and no doubt pious men
standing forth as the avowed apologists of a system which deprives their
fellow-men of all the rights of humanity is, perhaps, the most distressing
evidence of its blighting and blinding influence which has yet been
exhibited to the world. It ought to have its effect. As we have said, it
is the duty of every man to study the lessons which this address of the
Confederate clergy has for him. If his sympathy and influence be given to
the Confederates, let him understand the nature of the cause he is aiding.
Let him learn from the statement of the Confederates themselves that their
cause is the cause of slavery, and that they look forward to the
perpetuation and extension of slavery as the prize of success.
* * * * *
SLAVERY AND LIBERTY.
I'm on my way to Canada,
That dark and dreary land;
Oh! the dread effects of slavery
I can no longer stand.
My soul is vexed within me so
To think I am a slave,
Resolved I am to strike the blow,
For freedom or the grave.
CHORUS
Oh, Righteous Father!
Wilt thou not pity me,
And help me on to Canada,
Where coloured men are free.
I've served my master all my days,
Without one dimes' reward,
And now I'm forced to run away,
To flee the lash and rod.
The hounds are baying on my track,
And master just behind,
Resolved that he will bring me back
Before I cross the line.
Old master went to preach one day,
Next day he looked for me;
I greased my heels and ran away,
For the land of liberty.
I dreamt I saw the British Queen
Majestic on the shore;
If e'er I reach old Canada,
I will come back no more.
I heard that Queen Victoria said,
If we would all forsake
Our native land of Slavery,
And come across the lake:
That she was standing on the shore
With arms extended wide,
To give us all a peaceful home
Beyond the swelling tide.
I heard old master pray one night,
That night he prayed for me,
That God would come with all his might,
From Satan set me free.
So I from Satan would escape
And flee the wrath to come,
If there's a fiend in human shape,
Old master must be one.