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The Philippine Islands, 1493 1898: Volume XVI, 1609 by H.E. Blair

H >> H.E. Blair >> The Philippine Islands, 1493 1898: Volume XVI, 1609




In the same year six hundred and three, Governor Don Pedro de Acuna
sent the ship "Sanctiago" from Manila to Japon, with merchandise. It
was ordered to make its voyage to Quanto, in order to comply with the
desire and wish of Daifusama. As news had been already received of the
death of Fray Geronimo de Jesus, four of the most important religious
of his order in Manila--namely, Fray Diego de Bermeo [3] (who had been
provincial), Fray Alonso de la Madre de Dios, Fray Luys Sotello, [4]
and one other associate--sailed on that vessel for the said kingdom.

As soon as the ships "Jesus Maria" and "Espiritu Sancto" sailed for
Nueva Espana, and the ship "Sanctiago" with the religious for Japon,
there was more time to discuss further the matter started by the coming
of the Chinese mandarins. For finding themselves unoccupied with other
matters, fear of the Sangleys became universal, and the suspicions that
were current that the Sangleys were about to commit some mischievous
outbreak. This the archbishop and some religious affirmed and told,
publicly and privately. At this time, a considerable number of Chinese
were living in Manila and its environs. Some of them were baptized
Christians living in the settlements of Baibai and Minondoc, [5] on the
other side of the river, opposite the city. Most of them were infidels,
occupied and living in these same settlements and in the shops of
the parian in the city; [they were employed] as merchants and in all
other occupations. The majority of them were fishermen, stonecutters,
charcoal-burners, porters, masons, and day-laborers. Greater security
was always felt in regard to the merchants, for they are the better
class of people, and those who are most interested, because of their
property. So great security was not felt about the others, even though
they were Christians; because, as they are a poor and covetous people,
they would be inclined to any act of meanness. However, it was always
thought that it would be difficult for them to cause any commotion,
unless a strong fleet came from China, on which they could rely. Talk
continued to increase daily, and with it suspicion; for some of the
Chinese themselves, both infidels and Christians, in order to prove
themselves friends of the Spaniards, and clean from all guilt, even
told the Spaniards that there was to be an insurrection shortly,
and other similar things. Although the governor always considered
these statements as fictions and the exaggerations of that nation,
and did not credit them, yet he was not so heedless that he did not
act cautiously and watch, although with dissembling, for whatever
might happen. He took pains to have the city guarded and the soldiers
armed, besides flattering the most prominent of the Chinese and the
merchants, whom he assured of their lives and property. The natives
of La Pampanga and other provinces near by were instructed beforehand
to supply the city with rice and other provisions, and to come to
reenforce it with their persons and arms, should necessity arise. The
same was done with some Japanese in the city. As all this was done
with some publicity, since it could not be done secretly, as so many
were concerned, one and all became convinced of the certainty of the
danger. Many even desired it, in order to see the peace disturbed,
and to have the opportunity to seize something. [6] From that time,
both in the city and its environs, where the Sangleys were living
scattered, these people began to persecute the Sangleys by word and
deed. The natives, Japanese and soldiers of the camp took from them
their possessions and inflicted on them other ill-treatment, calling
them dogs and traitors, and saying that they knew well that they
meant to rebel. But they said they would kill all the Sangleys first,
and that very soon, for the governor was preparing for it. This alone
was sufficient to make it necessary for the Sangleys to do what they
had no intention of doing. [7] Some of the most clever and covetous
set themselves to rouse the courage of the others, and to make
themselves leaders, telling the Sangleys that their destruction was
sure, according to the determination which they saw in the Spaniards,
unless they should anticipate the latter, since they [the Sangleys]
were so numerous, and attack and capture the city. They said that
it would not be difficult for them to kill the Spaniards, seize
their possessions, and become masters of the country, with the aid
and reenforcements that would immediately come to them from China,
as soon as the auspicious beginning that they would have made in
the matter should be known. In order to do this when the time came,
it was advisable to build a fort and quarters in some retired and
strong place near the city, where the people could gather and unite,
and where arms and supplies could be provided for the war. At least
such a fort would be sufficient to assure there their lives from
the outrages that they were expecting from the Spaniards. It was
learned that the chief mover in this matter was a Christian Sangley,
an old-time resident in the country, named Joan Bautista de Vera. [8]
He was rich and highly esteemed by the Spaniards, and feared and
respected by the Sangleys. He had often been governor of the latter,
and had many godchildren and dependents. He had become an excellent
Spaniard, and was courageous. He himself, exercising duplicity and
cunning, did not leave the city, or the houses of the Spanish during
this time, in order to arouse less suspicion of himself. From there
he managed the affair through his confidants; and in order to assure
himself better of the result, and to ascertain the number of men of
his race, and to make a census and list of them, he cunningly had
each of them ordered to bring him a needle, which he pretended to
be necessary for a certain work that he had to do. These needles he
placed, as he received them, in a little box; and when he took them
out of it, he found that he had sufficient men for his purpose. They
began to construct the fort or quarters immediately at a distance of
slightly more than one-half legua from the village of Tondo, among some
estuaries and swamps, and in a hidden location. [9] They stored there
some rice and other provisions, and weapons of little importance. The
Sangleys began to gather there, especially the masses--the common
people and day-laborers; for those of the parian, and the mechanics,
although urged to do the same, did not resolve to do it, and remained
quiet, guarding their houses and property. The restlessness of the
Sangleys daily continued to become more inflamed. This, and the
advices given to the governor and the Spaniards, kept the latter
more anxious and apprehensive, and made them talk more openly of the
matter. The Sangleys, seeing that their intention was discovered, and
that delay might be of so great harm to them, determined, although the
insurrection was planned for St. Andrew's day, the last of November,
to anticipate that day, and to lose no more time. On Friday, the
third day of the month of October, the eve of St. Francis, they
collected very hurriedly in the above-mentioned fort; consequently,
by nightfall, there were two thousand men in it. Joan Bautista de
Vera--a thief in the role of an honest man, since he was the leader
and organizer of the treason--went immediately to the city and
told the governor that the Sangleys had risen, and that they were
collecting on the other side of the river. The governor, suspecting
the mischief, had him immediately arrested and carefully guarded;
and he was afterward executed. Then, without tap of drum, the governor
ordered the companies, both of the camp and the city, to be notified,
and all to hold their arms in readiness. Very shortly after nightfall,
Don Luys Dasmarinas, who was living near the monastery and church of
Minondoc, on the other side of the river, came hurriedly to the city
to advise the governor that the Sangleys had revolted. He asked for
twenty soldiers to go to the other side [of the river], where he would
guard the said monastery. Cristoval de Axqueta, sargento-mayor of the
camp, went with these men, together with Don Luys. As the silence
of night deepened, the noise made by the Sangleys grew louder, for
they were continuing to assemble and were sounding horns and other
instruments, after their fashion. Don Luys remained to guard the
monastery, with the men brought from Manila, where he had placed
in shelter many women and children of Christian Sangleys, with the
religious. The sargento-mayor returned immediately to the city,
where he told of what was being done. The call to arms was sounded,
for the noise and shouts of the Sangleys, who had sallied out to set
fire to some houses in the country, was so great that it was thought
that they were devastating that district. The Sangleys burned, first,
a stone country-house belonging to Captain Estevan de Marquina. The
latter was living there with his wife and children; and none of them
escaped, except a little girl, who was wounded, but who was hidden
in a thicket. [10] Thence the Sangleys went to the settlement of
Laguio, [11] situated on the shore of the river, and burned it. They
killed several Indians of that settlement, and the rest fled to the
city. There the gates were already shut and all the people, with
arms in hand, manned the walls and other suitable posts, ready for
any emergency, until dawn. The enemy, who now had a greater number
of men, retired to their fort, to make another sally thence with more
force. Don Luys Dasmarinas, who was guarding the church and monastery
of Minondoc, expected hourly that the enemy was about to attack him,
and sent a messenger to the governor to beg for more men. These were
sent him, and consisted of regulars and inhabitants of the city,
under Captains Don Tomas Brabo de Acuna (the governor's nephew),
Joan de Alcega, Pedro de Arzeo, and Gaspar Perez, by whose counsel and
advice Don Luys was to be guided on this occasion. All was confusion,
shouting, and outcry in the city, particularly among the Indians, and
the women and children, who were coming thither for safety. Although,
to make certain of the Sangleys of the parian, their merchants had
been asked to come into the city, and bring their property, they did
not dare to do so; for they always thought that the enemy would take
the city because of their great force of numbers, and annihilate the
Spaniards, and they would all be in danger. Consequently they preferred
to remain in their parian, in order to join the victorious side. Don
Luys Dasmarinas thought it advisable to go in search of the enemy
immediately with the reenforcements sent him by the governor, before
they should all assemble and present a strong front. He left seventy
soldiers in Minondoc, in charge of Gaspar Perez; while with the rest,
about one hundred and forty of the best picked arquebusiers, he
went to the village of Tondo, in order to fortify himself in the
church, a stone building. He arrived there at eleven o'clock in the
morning. The Chinese, in number one thousand five hundred, arrived
at the same place at the same time, bent on the same purpose. An
hour's skirmish took place between the two sides, as to which one
would gain the monastery. Captain Gaspar Perez came up with the
reenforcement of the men left at Minondoc. The enemy retired to his
fort, with a loss of five hundred men. Gaspar Perez returned to his
post, where Pedro de Arzeo was also stationed. Don Luys Dasmarinas,
exultant over this fortunate engagement, determined immediately to
press forward in pursuit of the enemy with his men, notwithstanding
the heat of the sun and without waiting to rest his followers. He sent
Alferez Luys de Ybarren to reconnoiter. The latter brought word that
the enemy was in great force, and near by. Although Juan de Alcega
and others requested Don Luys to halt and rest his men, and await
the governor's orders as to what was to be done, his desire not to
lose the opportunity was so great that, rousing his men with harsh
words, in order to make them follow him, he marched forward until
they reached a swamp. After leaving the swamp, they came suddenly
into a large clearing, where the enemy was stationed. The latter,
upon seeing the Spaniards, surrounded them in force on all sides,
armed with clubs, some with catans, and a few with battle-axes. Don
Luys and his men, not being able to retreat, fought valiantly, and
killed a number of Sangleys. But finally, as the latter were in so
great force, they cut all the Spaniards to pieces, only four of whom
escaped, badly wounded; and these carried the news to Manila. [12]
This result was of great importance to the Sangleys, both because so
many and the best Spanish soldiers were killed in this place, and
because of the weapons that the Sangleys took from them, and which
they needed. With these arms they flattered themselves that their
object was more certain of accomplishment. Next day, October five,
the Sangleys sent the heads of Don Luys, Don Tomas, Joan de Alcega,
and other captains to the parian; and they told the Sangleys there
that, since the flower of Manila had been killed, they should revolt
and join them, or they would immediately come to kill them. The
confusion and grief of the Spaniards in the city was so great that
it prevented them from taking the precautions and exercising the
diligence demanded by the affair. But the sight of their necessity,
and the spirit of their governor and officials made them all remain
at their posts on the walls, arms in hand. They fortified as strongly
as possible the gates of the parian and of Dilao, and all that part of
the wall where the enemy might make an assault. They mounted a piece of
artillery above each gate, and stationed there the best men, among whom
were religious of all the orders. Upon that day, Sunday, the enemy,
flushed with the victory of the preceding day and their army swelled
by the additional men that joined them, attacked the city. Burning
and destroying everything in their path, they went to the river, for
there was no vessel with which to resist them, as all those of the
fleet were in the provinces of the Pintados. They entered the parian,
[13] and furiously assaulted the city gate, but were driven back by
the arquebuses and muskets, with the loss of many Sangleys. They
went to the church of Dilao, and there assaulted the gate and walls
(which were there lower), by means of scaling-ladders, with the same
determination. But they experienced the same resistance and loss,
which compelled them, on the approach of night, to retire with great
loss to the parian and to Dilao. That whole night the Spaniards
spent in guarding their wall, and in preparing for the morrow. The
enemy passed the night in the parian and at Dilao, making carts,
mantelets, scaling-ladders, artificial fire, and other contrivances,
for approaching and assaulting the wall, and for burning the gates,
and setting fire to everything. At dawn of the next day, Monday, the
Sangleys came together with these arms and tools, and having reached
the wall with their bravest and best-armed men, attacked it with
great fury and resolution. The artillery destroyed their machines, and
caused them so great injury and resistance with it and the arquebuses,
that the Sangleys were forced to retire again to the parian and
to Dilao, with heavy loss. Joan Xuarez Gallinato, accompanied by
some soldiers and a Japanese troop, made a sally from the Dilao gate
upon the Sangleys. They reached the church, when the Sangleys turned
upon them and threw the Japanese into disorder. The latter were the
cause of all retreating again to seek the protection of the walls,
whither the Sangleys pursued them. At this juncture Captain Don Luys de
Velasco entered Manila. He came from the Pintados in a stout caracoa,
manned by some good arquebusiers, while others manned some bancas that
sailed in the shelter of the caracoa. They approached the parian and
Dilao by the river, and harassed the enemy quartered there on that and
the two following days, so that they were compelled to abandon those
positions. These vessels set fire to the parian, and burned everything,
and pursued the enemy wherever they could penetrate. The Sangleys,
upon beholding their cause waning, and their inability to attain the
end desired, resolved to retire from the city, after having lost more
than four thousand men; to advise China, so that that country would
reenforce them; and for their support to divide their men into three
divisions in different districts--one among the Tingues of Passic, the
second among those of Ayonbon, and the third at La Laguna de Bay, San
Pablo, and Batangas. On Wednesday they abandoned the city completely,
and, divided as above stated, marched inland. Don Luys de Velasco,
with some soldiers and armed Indians who came from all sides to the
relief of Manila, accompanied by some Spaniards who guided them, and
the religious from their missions, went by way of the river in pursuit
of them, and pressed them, so that they killed and annihilated the
bands bound for the Tingues of Passic and for Ayombon. The majority
and main body of the Sangleys went to La Laguna de Bay, the mountains
of San Pablo, and Batangas, where they considered themselves more
secure. Burning towns and churches, and everything in their path, they
fortified themselves in the above-mentioned sites. Don Luys de Velasco,
with seventy soldiers, continued to pursue them, killing each day a
great number of them. On one occasion Don Luys was so closely engaged
with the enemy, that the latter killed him and ten soldiers of his
company, and fortified themselves again in San Pablo and Batangas,
where they hoped to be able to sustain themselves until the arrival
of reenforcements from China. [14]

The governor, fearful of this danger, and desirous of finishing
the enemy, and giving entire peace to the country, sent Captain
and Sargento-mayor Cristoval de Axqueta Menchaca with soldiers
to pursue and finish the enemy. This man left with two hundred
Spaniards--soldiers and volunteers--three hundred Japanese, and one
thousand five hundred Pampanga and Tagal Indians, [15] on the twentieth
of October. He was so expeditious, that with little or no loss of
men, he found the Sangleys fortified in San Pablo and Batangas, and,
after fighting with them, killed and destroyed them all. None escaped,
except two hundred, who were taken alive to Manila for the galleys. The
captain was occupied in this for twenty days, and with it the war was
ended. Very few merchants were left in Manila, and they had taken the
good counsel to betake themselves, with their possessions, among the
Spaniards in the city. At the beginning of the war there were not
seven hundred Spaniards in the city capable of bearing arms. [16]

After the end of the war, the need of the city began, for, because
of not having Sangleys who worked at the trades, and brought in
all the provisions, there was no food, nor any shoes to wear,
not even at excessive prices. The native Indians are very far from
exercising those trades, and have even forgotten much of farming, and
the raising of fowls, cattle, and cotton, and the weaving of cloth,
which they used to do in the days of their paganism and for a long
time after the conquest of the country. [17] In addition to this,
people thought that Chinese vessels would not come to the islands
with food and merchandise, on account of the late revolution. Above
all, they lived not without fear and suspicion that, instead of
the merchant vessels, an armed fleet would attack Manila, in order
to avenge the death of their Sangleys. All conspired to sadden the
minds of the Spaniards. After having sent Fray Diego de Guevara,
prior of the monastery of St. Augustine in Manila, to the court of
Espana by way of India, with news of this event--but who was unable
to reach Madrid for three years, because of his various fortunes
in India, Persia, and Italia, through which countries he went--they
immediately sent Captain Marco de la Cueva, together with Fray Luys
Gandullo of the Order of St. Dominic, to the city of Macao in China,
where the Portuguese were living, with letters for the chief captain
and the council of that city. These letters advised the latter of
the revolt of the Sangleys, and of the result of the war, so that,
if they should hear any rumors of a Chinese fleet, they could send
word. At the same time letters were taken from the governor to the
Tutons, Aytaos, and visitors of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo,
recounting the outbreak of the Chinese, which obliged the Spaniards
to kill them. Upon their arrival at Macao, Marcos de la Cueva and
Fray Luys Gandullo found no news of a fleet, but that everything was
quiet--although the Chinese had already heard of the insurrection and
much of the result, from some Sangleys who had fled from Manila in
champans, upon that occasion. It was immediately learned in Chincheo
that these Spaniards were in Macao, whereupon Captains Guansan Sinu
and Guachan, wealthy men and usually engaged in trade with Manila,
went to look for them. Having learned the truth of the event, they
took the letters for the mandarins and promised to deliver them. They
urged other merchants and vessels of Chincheo, who were afraid, to go
to Manila that year. This was very useful, for through them much of the
necessity that the city [of Manila] was suffering was supplied. With
this result and with some powder, saltpeter, and lead which Marcos
de la Cueva had provided for the magazines, the latter left Macao,
and sailed to Manila, which he reached in May, to the universal joy
of the city over the news that he brought--which began to be verified
immediately by the coming of the fleet of thirteen Chinese vessels
bearing food and merchandise.

In the month of June of this year six hundred and three, [18] two
vessels were despatched from Manila to Nueva Espana, under command
of Don Diego de Mendoca who had been sent that year by the viceroy,
Marques de Montesclaros, with the usual reenforcements for the
islands. The flagship was "Nuestra Senora de los Remedios" and the
almiranta "Sant Antonio."

Many rich men of Manila, warned by the past troubles, took passage
in these vessels with their households and property, for Nueva
Espana--especially in the almiranta--with the greatest wealth that
has ever left the Filipinas. Both vessels experienced so severe
storms during the voyage, in the altitude of thirty-four degrees,
and before having passed Japon, that the flagship, without masts and
greatly lightened and damaged, put back in distress to Manila. The
almiranta was swallowed up in the sea, and no one was saved. This was
one of the greatest shipwrecks and calamities that the Filipinas have
suffered since the past ones.

During the rest of that year and that of six hundred and five, until
the sailing of the vessels which were to go to Castilla, [19] the
governor occupied himself in repairing the city, and supplying it with
provisions and ammunition, with the special object and care that the
decision which he was awaiting from the court for making an expedition
to Maluco--of which he had been advised and warned--should not find
him so unprepared as to cause him to delay the expedition. In this
he was very successful, for at that same time, the master-of-camp,
Joan de Esquivel, had arrived in Mexico with six hundred soldiers
from Espana. In Mexico more men were being enrolled, and a great
preparation was made of ammunition, food, money, and arms, which the
viceroy sent to the governor from Nueva Espana in March of that year,
by order of his Majesty, in order that he might go to Maluco. All
this arrived safely and in due season at Manila.

Shortly after the ships had left Manila for Nueva Espana, and those
despatched thence by the viceroy had entered, Archbishop Don Fray
Miguel de Benavides died of a long illness. His body was buried
amid the universal devotion and grief of the city. [20] At this same
time, Don Pedro de Acuna received three letters, by the ships that
continued to come from China that year, with the merchandise and
with their principal captains. They were all of the same tenor--when
translated into Castilian--from the Tuton and Haytao, and from the
inspector-general of the province of Chincheo, and were on the matter
of the insurrection of the Sangleys and their punishment. They were
as follows:





[This letter occupies folios 113b-115a of the original edition of
Morga. We have already presented that document in our V0L. XIII,
p. 287, which is translated from a copy of the original manuscript. The
answer of Acuna to this letter will be found in V0L. XIV, in the
second document of that volume.]





The letter of the inspector-general was written on the twelfth of
the second month--which according to our reckoning is March of the
twenty-third year of the reign of Vandel [_i.e._, Wanleh]. The eunuch's
[21] letter was written on the sixteenth of the said month and year;
and that of the viceroy, on the twenty-second of the month.

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