The Story of The American Legion by George Seay Wheat

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MR. MCGRATH (New Jersey): "I served in the navy, and I simply want to
call attention to the fact that this resolution says that the money
shall be paid upon the honorable discharge of the soldiers and
sailors, but in the navy we are only released from active duty and I
will not be discharged for three years, neither will any of the other
three hundred thousand naval reserves. I therefore move that the
resolution be amended to say that so far as the navy is concerned that
the money shall be paid upon their release from active duty or their
honorable discharge."

The committee accepted the amendment.

THE CHAIRMAN: "Before I put this motion I want to make this suggestion
to you, that this is a pretty serious matter that you are considering.
It is for this caucus, of course, in its wisdom to determine that
which it wants to do, but up to this time, it has assumed continuously
a most splendidly high and patriotic and unselfish attitude toward
this whole question. It has dealt immediately and fairly and
positively with regard to employment problems, but I suggest to you
that we ought to consider very carefully whether we want to go on
record as a caucus, as provided in this resolution, and I would prefer
not to put the question until you have considered it further."

The action of the caucus was foreshadowed by the applause which it
gave to Colonel Lindsley's caution. Fully a half dozen men jumped to
their feet and waved their hands wildly demanding recognition.

Colonel Roosevelt arose from his seat with the New York delegation,
and Chairman Lindsley recognized him.

"Gentlemen, I want to draw your attention to one feature of this
question," he said. The Colonel spoke very deliberately and very
distinctly, reminding a great many of his auditors of his father
because of the way he snapped his words out. "I heartily agree with
what the chair has said so far. I want you to get this particular
reaction on the matter and I want to relate to you a little incident
that happened coming out on the train from New York. One of the
delegates on the same train with me said that the conductor stopped
and talked to him and among other things said, 'Young Teddy Roosevelt
is up ahead. He's going out to St. Louis to try to get some of the
soldiers together to sandbag something out of the Government!'
_Sandbag something out of the Government!_" The young Colonel's frame
shook with emotion as he repeated that sentence. "Do you men get the
idea of what he thought we were trying to do? We want everything that
is right for us to have, but we are not going to try to sandbag the
Government _out_ of anything; primarily we are going to try to put
something _into_ the Government. In thinking over this resolution
think of that."

[Illustration: Fred Humphrey of New Mexico
A Vice-Chairman.]

[Illustration: Private V.C. Calhoun, of Connecticut and the Marine
Corps.
He is a Vice-Chairman.]

The cheer which greeted this suggestion was so resounding and the
opinion of the caucus so positive on this question that Mr. Gordon of
Connecticut, a member of the committee that framed the resolution,
moved that it should be laid on the table.

The thunderous "Aye" which tabled this resolution might well be
recorded in letters of gold.

It showed the utter unselfishness of the American doughboy, gob, and
leatherneck. He had followed Colonel Roosevelt's advice: he refused to
sandbag the Government out of anything, and this action gives the best
possible basis for the procedure to put something into the Government.

In view of the action of certain newspapers, organizations, and
individuals in advocating that six months' pay should be given to the
returned service man, I wonder if there are not still a great many of
them who are still puzzled over why the Legion refused to endorse this
movement. There must be scores of them, dozens of them who were not
present at the St. Louis Caucus, to catch its spirit and who have not
carefully considered just what impression such a demand on the part of
former soldiers, sailors, and marines would create on the rest of the
country.

Why shouldn't six months' pay be given to every man who did his bit in
the war with Germany? In the first place, these men who have returned
from the war have begotten for themselves the utmost respect and
affection from those who could not go. The civilian forms the majority
of our people. Because of the esteem before-mentioned, he is willing
to grant almost anything _within reason_ to the service man who risked
so much in defense of the country. It is to the interest of the
service man to make the civilian population feel that he does not want
to get something for nothing but that, rather, he would still prefer
to give his best to the country in peaceful times in the same spirit
that he manifested in war times--an utter disregard of self.

Had the Legion endorsed this resolution, the general consensus would
have been, "There are the soldiers getting together to make demands.
Their organization is nothing more or less than an association formed
to get something out of the Treasury." Therefore, when the service
men, as a unit, came to demand something vitally necessary for the
good of the country, it is possible that they might be answered: "We
have paid you in money and have your receipt and that will be all for
you."

This Legion can, must, and will be an inspiration and a guiding spirit
because it is composed of men who have been willing to sacrifice self
for the good of the country. For that they have obtained the
affection of their world and just so long as they are willing to
continue to manifest that spirit will they retain that affection.

CHAPTER XII

THE CLOSING HOURS

The next resolution to be passed was that concerning "Disability Pay."
That resolution, as passed read.

"WHEREAS, under the provisions of the existing law an obvious
injustice is done to the civilian who entered the military service,
and as an incident, too, that service is disabled, therefore,

"BE IT RESOLVED: That this caucus urge upon Congress the enactment of
legislation, which will place upon an equal basis as to retirement for
disability incurred in active service during the war with the Central
Powers of Europe, all officers and enlisted personnel who served in
the military and naval forces of the United States during said war,
irrespective of whether they happened to serve in the Regular Army, or
in the National Guard or National Army."

Then followed the passage of the War Risk Insurance Resolution. This
read:

"WHEREAS, one of the purposes of this organization is: 'To protect,
assist, and promote the general welfare of all persons in the
military and naval service of the United States and those dependent
upon them,' and,

"WHEREAS, owing to the speedy demobilization of the men in the
service, who had not had their rights, privileges, and benefits under
the War Risk Insurance Act fully explained to them, and these men,
therefore, are losing daily, such rights, privileges, and benefits,
which may never again be restored, and,

"WHEREAS, it is desirable that every means be pursued to acquaint the
men of their full rights, privileges, and benefits under the said act,
and to prevent the loss of the said rights, benefits, and privileges,
therefore,

"BE IT RESOLVED: That this caucus pledges its most energetic support
to a campaign of sound education and widespread activity, to the end
that the rights, privileges, and benefits under the War Risk Insurance
Act be conserved and that the men discharged from the service be made
to realize what are their rights under this act; and that the
Executive Committee be empowered and directed to confer with the War
Risk Insurance Bureau, that it may carry out the purposes herein
expressed and,

"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That it is the sense of this caucus that the
War Risk Insurance Act be amended to provide that the insured, under
the act, may be allowed to elect whether his insurance, upon maturity,
shall be paid as an annuity, or in one payment; and that he may select
his beneficiaries regardless of family relationship."

At the time of the caucus, Colonel Lindsley was director of the War
Risk Insurance Bureau in Washington. In speaking to the motion to pass
the foregoing resolution, he said that more than a year ago he and
other officers in France felt that if there were no other reasons for
an organization such as the Legion, it would be more than worth while
to create one even though its sole function was to let those who
served in the war know their rights about government insurance and if
it saw to it that the general scheme was perpetuated.

"I am speaking particularly of the insurance phase of the situation,"
he said in part. "The United States Government to-day is the greatest
insurance institution on earth. Thirty-nine billions of dollars of
applications have poured in from over four millions of men; an average
of practically $9000 per man is held throughout the United States and
abroad, and over 90% of these men are insured. That insurance is the
best in the world, because the greatest and the best and the richest
Government on earth says, 'I promise to pay.' It is the cheapest
insurance in the world and always will be because the Government says,
'As part of our contribution, we, the people of the United States, in
this war, as a legitimate expense, will pay all cost of administering
this Bureau.' So that the men who have this insurance now and those
who have it hereafter will pay only the net cost. If there is any
savings, they get it. So that for all time to come they have got the
insurance cheaper than any other country except the United States can
give them. I say that without any improper comparison with the
splendid, properly organized institutions in the United States. It is
simply this: That the people of the United States pay this cost of
administration. By June 1st the policies of conversion will be ready
to be delivered to those who want them. You will be able to cease term
insurance, if you wish, and have ordinary life, limited payment life,
or endowment insurance. You can have any kind you please, but the big
thing, my comrades, is this: To retain every single dollar of this
insurance that you can afford to carry. Don't be in any particular
hurry about conversion. If your income isn't good--carry this message
back to the boys throughout the United States--if their income at this
time doesn't justify carrying higher priced insurance, retain that
which they have got and throughout this country tell the men that
those who have lapsed their insurance because they didn't understand
its value, because it wasn't properly presented to them at the period
of demobilization by the Government, for it was not, tell them they
are going to have every right of reinstatement without physical
examination.

"There is going to be no snap judgment on any man who served in this
war who, because he was not able when he went out or didn't have the
information or because he was careless or for any other reason didn't
carry on his insurance. I ask you, my friends, and I think it is one
of the important functions of this great American Legion that is born
here in St. Louis at this time, to see that the fullest possible
amount of this government insurance is maintained. Every man that
holds a government policy is a part of the Government more than ever
before. I ask you to bear this in mind and it is going to be within
your power to say yes and no to many of the great problems of the
United States.

"I ask you to see that this great bureau is kept out of politics and
that it is administered, in the years to come in the interests of
those for whom this law was enacted, those who served as soldiers,
sailors, and marines in this war and their dependents. I thank you for
this opportunity of presenting this matter to you."

"... It is going to be within your power to say yes or no to many of
the great problems of the United States."

The service men know this but coming from a man like Colonel Lindsley
it is especially important. How are they going to use this power? What
sort of a legislative program will the Legion have? The answer isn't
hard to find by a perusal of the resolutions which were passed and by
remembering that most important one which did not pass, viz.: the pay
grab.

The next resolution occupying the attention of the caucus was that one
relating to disability of soldiers, sailors, and marines. It reads:

"BE IT RESOLVED: That the delegates from the several States shall
instruct their respective organizations to see that every disabled
soldier, sailor, and marine be brought into contact with the
Rehabilitation Department of the Federal Board at Washington, D.C.,
and,

"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That the secretaries of the various states be
instructed to write to the Federal Board for literature as to what it
offers to disabled men, and that the members of the Legion be
instructed to distribute this literature and to aid the wounded
soldiers, sailors, and marines to take advantage of governmental
assistance, and that every effort be made by the American Legion in
the several States to stop any attempt to pauperize disabled men."

The whole work of the Legion as outlined at the caucus is constructive
and therefore inspiring. The reader will note from the last
resolution that members of the Legion are to be instructed to
distribute the literature of the Rehabilitation Department among
wounded soldiers, sailors, and marines and to show them how to take
advantage of governmental assistance; and also that every effort will
be made by the American Legion to stop any attempt to pauperize
disabled men.

A higher-minded, more gentle resolve than that, can hardly be
imagined. All of us remember the host of begging cripples who were
going the rounds of the country even so long as thirty-five or forty
years after the Civil War. This last resolution means that such will
not be the case after this war. I think that it would be safe to say
that in nine cases out of ten, after the Legion gets thoroughly
started, crippled beggars who pretend to have been wounded in the
service of their country will be fakers. Mr. Mott of Illinois, in the
discussion on this question, brought out the fact that there were
approximately sixty thousand soldiers, sailors, and marines
permanently disabled as a result of wounds, accidents, and disease
incurred in the war, while approximately one hundred and forty
thousand discharged men were only more or less disabled.

The final resolution was that copies of all resolutions passed by the
caucus were to be forwarded to every member of the United States
Senate and each representative in Congress.

Louis A. Frothingham, chairman of the Resolutions Committee, made an
address in which he thanked the people of St. Louis for their
hospitality and the War Camp Community Service for its aid. The War
Camp Community Service sent special men to St. Louis under the
direction of Mr. Frank L. Jones to cooperate with its St. Louis
leaders in helping to make the delegates comfortable. Arrangements
were made whereby delegates of small means could get lodging for
twenty-five cents a night and meals at the same price.

Mr. Foss of Ohio introduced the following resolution of thanks which
was passed standing:

"RESOLVED: That a standing vote of thanks be tendered to the War Camp
Community Service for its active hospitality to the delegates to this
St. Louis Caucus of the American Legion, which is in keeping with its
splendid work through the war in extending community service to our
American soldiers, sailors, and marines, and,

"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That an engrossed copy of this resolution be
forwarded to the national secretary of the War Camp Community
Service."

In this connection it might be well to digress a bit and to say that
War Camp Community Service functioned splendidly for the young men of
our Army, Navy, and Marine Corps during the war, and as "Community
Service, Inc." intends to continue caring for not only the doughboys
and gobs it served so well but for an enlarged patronage. During the
conflict, War Camp Community Service organized the social and
recreational resources of six hundred communities which were adjacent
to training camps, army bases, and naval stations, and also developed
the same resources in thirty large communities dominated by great war
industries, of which the industrial centers at Bethlehem, Chester, and
Erie, Pennsylvania, are types.

I believe it is well worth while for every member of the American
Legion to know something about War Camp accomplishment, and Community
Service possibilities for each has a similar aim and goal which may be
realized by harmonious effort on the part of community service
branches and legion posts throughout the entire country.

The idea of War Camp Community Service, like all successful
experiments, was based on sound truth and simple theory and proved to
be far reaching in results. Communities were not told what to do;
there was no cut and dried program, but rather each community received
special treatment suited to its particular needs, temperament, and
physical characteristics. The basic idea underlying this activity is
to allow each one to express himself. No person or community has the
same thoughts, manner of living or thinking, and entire communities,
like individuals, are affected by their environment and the life which
circumstances compel them to lead. An iron monger's stalwart frame may
conceal a poetic-soul, while the frail body of an obscure clerk may
enclose the spirit of a Cromwell. War Camp has helped a great many
such men to find themselves. Community Service promises to do the same
thing, for the war has given ample proof of the need of just this kind
of service.

With the war gone, with thousands of young men thrown upon their own
initiative and resources for both work and play, there is going to be
a great need of proper guidance, companionship, and comradeship,
unless a great many are to be overtaken by some madness like
Bolshevism or in a lesser degree--constant and brooding
dissatisfaction. The American Legion post, with its leaders, is going
to fill a great need here. It will be some place to go where a man can
meet his fellows of the better type, and, not only indulge in the
pleasure of discussing former days but, better still, take an interest
in present-day movements affecting his country.

Also, I feel that Community Service will have a great place in this
same scheme: that it can take the former service man, lonely and
seeking expression, just where the Legion leaves off and, with Legion
ideals on Americanism and the duties of citizenship as a basis, can
round him off in the softer, more intimate molds of life, so that
between the two he may not be only an honor to his country, but to his
family and to his God as well. Therefore, I believe Community Service
will fall heir to the goodwill created by War Camp throughout the
nation, that it will retain the best of the latter's tenets and will
take its place as one of the great powers for good in the community
life of this country.

At the final session, Major Caspar G. Bacon was elected treasurer of
the Legion to serve until November 11th. Delegations appointed State
chairmen and secretaries to carry on the work of further organization
for the November convention.

During luncheon time of the last day there had been some fear
expressed among certain of the delegates that the loyal foreign-born
element in the United States might not thoroughly understand the Alien
Slackers Resolution. In order to make that perfectly clear Chaplain
Inzer, during the last hours of the caucus, called for a cheer for
every foreign-born citizen who gave loyal service to the United
States. A rousing one was given.

Then came the unanimous report of the Committee on Constitution and
By-Laws and declaration of principles. It was passed upon, section by
section. You will find it printed elsewhere in this volume, and you
must read it if you would get a true view of the principles underlying
the Legion. It is as plain as a lesson in a school reader. Any comment
on it from me would be editorial tautology, so I don't want to say
anything more than that its framing was one of the cleverest and most
comprehensive bits of work done since the very beginning of the
Legion.

On the question of eligibility of Americans who had served in other
armies, Mr. Palmen of California, announced as a bit of information
that an Act approved by Congress on October 15, 1918, provided that
such men must repatriate themselves. "We must go before a judge
qualified to give citizenship back, taking with us our honorable
discharge and credentials to show that we were American citizens at
the time we enlisted," Mr. Palmen declared. Mr. Palmen was with the
Canadian Army for three and a half years. "This question has been
debated and the public at large is much confused about it," he
continued. "I am told all that I must do is to go before a judge and
that I will immediately be made a citizen again with all the rights
and privileges which that implies."

There was no "hero stuff" at all at this caucus, no names of heroes,
as such, were mentioned. The name of the President of the United
States was not called nor any member of his Cabinet nor was any
reference made to them either direct or indirect. This was done to
avoid the appearance of politics. General Pershing's name was
mentioned once and that was during the discussion of the sixth section
of the constitution which provides that "no Post may be named for any
living person."

Major Leonard of the District of Columbia delegation obtained the
floor and said that his delegation was in an embarrassing position
because they had already organized a post and named it "Pershing Post
No. 1." Major Wickersham of New York, stated that a number of posts
were already in the process of organization in his State and that the
names of living men had been adopted by them.

After all why not call these posts after living men?

Delegate Harder, of Oklahoma, offered the answer:

"With all due respect to the gentlemen who have already named their
posts they are subjected, as are we to the action of this caucus," he
said. "We know positively that in due course of time those names will
be used, at least to a certain extent, politically. Let us find some
other way to honor these men and make it impossible for the people of
this country to get the idea that this is a political organization."

There you have it, the real reason. Delegate Harder was only one of
the hundreds who not only wanted to keep the Legion out of politics
now but for all time to come.

Mr. McGrath of New Jersey also took an amusing fling at article six.
As originally drawn it stipulated that the local unit should be termed
a billet. "I object to the word billet," he said. "It has too many
unpleasant associations as those men who slept in them in France will
testify. A billet meant some place where you lay down and slept as
long as certain little animals would let you, and the American Legion
isn't going to do that."

Just about this time the afternoon was drawing to a close. Everybody
realized that a monumental task had been performed. Sleepless nights
and nerve-wracking days had been endured. Many pocketbooks were
running low. Everybody felt it was time to go home.

General Hoffman of Oklahoma obtained recognition from the chair as
some of the delegates already were rising to leave the theater. "I
move, Mr. Chairman," shouted the General, "that we extend a vote of
thanks to Colonel Roosevelt and Colonel Clark and other gentlemen who
have been associated with them and to the chairman of this association
and his able assistants who have brought this convention to such a
happy and successful close."

At the mention of Colonel Roosevelt's name departing delegates tarried
and when Mr. Weinman of Louisiana moved adjournment, the house stood
and with one accord began to cry, "We want Teddy," "We want Teddy."

Colonel Roosevelt walked to the center of the stage and raised both
hands seeking silence.

"I want to say just one thing," he said. "I have never been so much
impressed in my life as I have been by the actions of this caucus,
actions of the various committees and in the way this caucus thought
for itself and acted for itself. For instance it would receive
resolutions from the Resolutions Committee, would think them over,
would re-decide on them and would re-decide them right. I want to say
in closing that the only thing I regret is that my father could not
have been alive at this moment to see the actions of this body of
Americans."

Mr. Healey of the New York delegation obtained the attention of the
chair. "I make a motion," stated Mr. Healey, "that before this great
caucus adjourns we should remain standing in one minute's silence as a
tribute to the greatest statesman that this nation has ever
produced--THEODORE ROOSEVELT."

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