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History of Holland by George Edmundson

G >> George Edmundson >> History of Holland




A wave of fierce indignation swept over Protestant Holland, which united
in one camp orthodox Calvinists (anti-revolutionaries), conservatives
and anti-papal liberals. The preachers everywhere inveighed against a
ministry which had permitted such an act of aggression on the part of a
foreign potentate against the Protestantism of the nation. Utrecht took
the lead in drawing up an address to the king and to the States-General
(which obtained two hundred thousand signatures), asking them not to
recognise the proposed hierarchy. At the meeting of the Second Chamber
of the States-General on April 12, Thorbecke had little difficulty in
convincing the majority that the Pope had proceeded without Consultation
with the ministry, and that under the Constitution the Catholics had
acted within their rights in re-modelling their Church organisation. But
his arguments were far from satisfying outside public opinion. On the
occasion of a visit of the king to Amsterdam the ministry took the step
of advising him not to receive any address hostile to the establishment
of the hierarchy, on the ground that this did not require the royal
approval. William, who had never been friendly to Thorbecke, was annoyed
at being thus instructed in the discharge of his duties; and he not only
received an address containing 51,000 signatures but expressed his great
pleasure in being thus approached (April 15). At the same time he
summoned Van Hall, the leader of the opposition, to Amsterdam for a
private consultation. The ministry, on hearing of what had taken place,
sent its resignation, which was accepted on April 19. Thus fell the
Thorbecke ministry, not by a parliamentary defeat, but because the king
associated himself with the uprising of hostile public opinion, known as
the "April Movement."

A new ministry was formed under the joint leadership of Van Hall and
Donker-Curtius; and an appeal to the electors resulted in the defeat of
the liberals. The majority was a coalition of conservatives and
anti-revolutionaries. The followers of Groen van Prinsterer were small
in number, but of importance through the strong religious convictions
and debating ability of the leader. The presence of Donker-Curtius was a
guarantee for moderation; and, as Van Hall was an adept in political
opportunism, the new ministry differed from its liberal predecessor
chiefly in its more cautious attitude towards the reforms which both
were ready to adopt. As it had been carried into office by the April
Movement, a Church Association Bill was passed into law making it
illegal for a foreigner to hold any Church office without the royal
assent, and forbidding the wearing of a distinctive religious dress
outside closed buildings. Various measures were introduced dealing with
ministerial responsibility, poor-law administration and other matters,
such as the abolition of the excise on meat and of barbarous punishments
on the scaffold.

The question of primary education was to prove for the next half-century
a source of continuous political and religious strife, dividing the
people of Holland into hostile camps. The question was whether the State
schools should be "mixed" i.e. neutral schools, where only those simple
truths which were common to all denominations should be taught; or
should be "separate" i.e. denominational schools, in which religious
instruction should be given in accordance with the wishes of the
parents. A bill was brought in by the government (September, 1854) which
was intended to be a compromise. It affirmed the general principle that
the State schools should be "neutral," but allowed "separate" schools to
be built and maintained. This proposal was fiercely opposed by Groen and
gave rise to a violent agitation. The ministry struggled on, but its
existence was precarious and internal dissensions at length led to its
resignation (July, 1856). The elections of 1856 had effected but little
change in the constitution of the Second Chamber, and the
anti-revolutionary J.J.L. van der Brugghen was called upon to form a
ministry. Groen himself declined office, Van der Brugghen made an effort
to conciliate opposition; and a bill for primary education was
introduced (1857) upholding the principle of the "mixed" schools, but
with the proviso that the aim of the teaching was to be the instruction
of the children "in Christian and social virtues"; at the same time
"separate" schools were permitted and under certain conditions would be
subsidised by the State. Groen again did his utmost to defeat this bill,
but he was not successful; and after stormy debates it became law (July,
1857). The liberals obtained a majority at the elections of 1858, and
Van der Brugghen resigned. But the king would not send for Thorbecke;
and J.J. Rochussen, a former governor-general of the Dutch East Indies,
was asked to form a "fusion" ministry. During his tenure of office
(1858-60) slavery was abolished in the East Indies, though not the
cultivation-system, which was but a kind of disguised slavery. The way
in which the Javanese suffered by this system of compulsory labour for
the profit of the home country--the amount received by the Dutch
treasury being not less than 250 million florins in thirty years--was
now scathingly exposed by the brilliant writer Douwes Dekker. He had
been an official in Java, and his novel _Max Havelaar_, published in
1860 under the pseudonym "Multatuli," was widely read, and brought to
the knowledge of the Dutch public the character of the system which was
being enforced.

Holland was at this time far behind Belgium in the construction of a
system of railroads, to the great hindrance of trade. A bill, however,
proposed by the ministry to remedy this want was rejected by the First
Chamber, and Rochussen resigned. The king again declined to send for
Thorbecke; and Van Hall was summoned for the third time to form a
ministry. He succeeded in securing the passage of a proposal to spend
not less than 10 million florins annually in the building of State
railways. All Van Hall's parliamentary adroitness and practised
opportunism could not, however, long maintain in office a ministry
supported cordially by no party. Van Hall gave up the unthankful task
(February, 1861), but still it was not Thorbecke, but Baron S. van
Heemstra that was called upon to take his place. For a few months only
was the ministry able to struggle on in the face of a liberal majority.
There was now no alternative but to offer the post of first minister to
Thorbecke, who accepted the office (January 31, 1862).

The second ministry of Thorbecke lasted for four years, and was actively
engaged during that period in domestic, trade and colonial reforms.
Thorbecke, as a free-trader, at once took in hand the policy of lowering
all duties except for revenue purposes. The communal dues were
extinguished. A law for secondary and technical education was passed in
1863; and in the same year slavery was abolished in Surinam and the West
Indies. Other bills were passed for the canalising of the Hook of
Holland, and the reclaiming of the estuary of the Y. This last project
included the construction of a canal, the Canal of Holland, with the
artificial harbour of Ymuiden at its entrance, deep enough for ocean
liners to reach Amsterdam. With the advent of Fransen van de Putte, as
colonial minister in 1863, began a series of far-reaching reforms in the
East Indies, including the lowering of the differential duties. His
views, however, concerning the scandal of the cultivation-system in Java
did not meet with the approval of some of his colleagues; and Thorbecke
himself supported the dissentients. The ministry resigned, and Van de
Putte became head of the government. He held office for four months
only. His bill for the abolition of the cultivation-system and the
conversion of the native cultivators into possessors of their farms was
thrown out by a small majority, Thorbecke with a few liberals and some
Catholics voting with the conservatives against it. This was the
beginning of a definite liberal split, which was to continue for years.

A coalition-ministry followed under the presidency of J. van Heemskerk
(Interior) and Baron van Zuylen van Nyevelt (Foreign Affairs). The
colonial minister Mijer shortly afterwards resigned in order to take the
post of governor-general of the East Indies. This appointment did not
meet with the approval of the Second Chamber; and the government
suffered a defeat. On this they persuaded the king not only to dissolve
the Chamber, but to issue a proclamation impressing upon the electors
the need of the country for a more stable administration. The result was
the return of a majority for the Heemskerk-Van Zuylen combination. It is
needless to say that Thorbecke and his followers protested strongly
against the dragging of the king's name into a political contest, as
gravely unconstitutional. The ministry had a troubled existence.

The results of the victory of Prussia over Austria at Sadowa, and the
formation of the North German Confederation under Prussian leadership,
rendered the conduct of foreign relations a difficult and delicate task,
especially as regards Luxemburg and Limburg, both of which were under
the personal sovereignty of William III, and at the same time formed
part of the old German Confederation. The rapid success of Prussia had
seriously perturbed public opinion in France; and Napoleon III, anxious
to obtain some territorial compensation which would satisfy French
_amour-propre,_ entered into negotiations with William III for the sale
of the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg. The king was himself alarmed at the
Prussian annexations, and Queen Sophie and the Prince of Orange had
decided French leanings; and, as Bismarck had given the king reason to
believe that no objection would be raised, the negotiations for the sale
were seriously undertaken. On March 26, 1867, the Prince of Orange
actually left the Hague, bearing the document containing the Grand
Duke's consent; and on April 1 the cession was to be finally completed.
On that very day the Prussian ambassadors at Paris and the Hague were
instructed to say that any cession of Luxemburg to France would mean war
with Prussia. It was a difficult situation; and a conference of the
Great Powers met at London on May 11 to deal with it. Its decision was
that Luxemburg should remain as an independent state, whose neutrality
was guaranteed collectively by the Powers, under the sovereignty of the
House of Nassau; that the town of Luxemburg should be evacuated by its
Prussian garrison; and that Limburg should henceforth be an integral
part of the kingdom of the Netherlands.

Van Zuylen was assailed in the Second Chamber for his exposing the
country to danger and humiliation in this matter; and the Foreign Office
vote was rejected by a small majority. The ministry resigned; but,
rather than address himself to Thorbecke, the king sanctioned a
dissolution, with the result of a small gain of seats to the liberals.
Heemskerk and Van Zuylen retained office for a short time in the face of
adverse votes, but finally resigned; and the king had no alternative but
to ask Thorbecke to form a ministry. He himself declined office, but he
chose a cabinet of young liberals who had taken no part in the recent
political struggles, P.P. van Bosse becoming first minister.

From this time forward there was no further attempt on the part
of the royal authority to interfere in the constitutional course of
parliamentary government. Van Bosse's ministry, scoffingly called by
their opponents "Thorbecke's marionettes," maintained themselves
in office for two years(1868-70), passing several useful measures, but
are chiefly remembered for the abolition of capital punishment. The
outbreak of the Franco-German war in 1870 found, however, the
Dutch army and fortresses ill-prepared for an emergency, when
the maintenance of strict neutrality demanded an efficient defence
of the frontiers. The ministry was not strong enough to resist the
attacks made upon it; and at last the real leader of the liberal party,
the veteran Thorbecke, formed his third ministry (January, 1871).
But Thorbecke was now in ill-health, and the only noteworthy
achievement of his last premiership was an agreement with Great
Britain by which the Dutch possessions on the coast of Guinea
were ceded to that country in exchange for a free hand being given
to the Dutch in Surinam. The ministry, having suffered a defeat
on the subject of the cost of the proposed army re-organisation, was
on the point of resigning, when Thorbecke suddenly died (June 5,
1872). His death brought forth striking expressions of sympathy
and appreciation from men and journals representing all parties
in the State. For five-and-twenty years, in or out of office, his had
been the dominating influence in Dutch politics; and it was felt on
all sides that the country was the poorer for the loss of a man of
outstanding ability and genuine patriotism.

* * * * *




CHAPTER XXXIV

THE LATER REIGN OF WILLIAM III, AND THE REGENCY OF
QUEEN EMMA, 1872-1898


The death of Thorbecke was the signal for a growing cleavage between the
old _doctrinaire_ school of liberals, who adhered to the principles of
1848, and the advanced liberalism of many of the younger progressive
type. To Gerrit de Vries was entrusted the duty of forming a ministry,
and he had the assistance of the former first minister, F. van de Putte.
His position was weakened by the opposition of the Catholic party, who
became alienated from the liberals, partly on the religious education
question, but more especially because their former allies refused to
protest against the Italian occupation of Rome. The election of 1873 did
not improve matters, for it left the divided liberals to face an
opposition of equal strength, whenever the conservatives,
anti-revolutionaries and Catholics acted together. This same year saw
the first phase of the war with the piratical state of Achin. An
expedition of 3600 men under General Koehler was sent out against the
defiant sultan in April, 1873, but suffered disaster, the General
himself dying of disease. A second stronger expedition under General van
Swieten was then dispatched, which was successful; and the sultan was
deposed in January, 1874. This involved heavy charges on the treasury;
and the ministry, after suffering two reverses in the Second Chamber,
resigned (June, 1874), being succeeded by a Heemskerk coalition
ministry.

Heemskerk in his former premiership had shown himself to be a clever
tactician, and for three years he managed to maintain himself in office
against the combined opposition of the advanced liberals, the
anti-revolutionaries and the Catholics. Groen van Prinsterer died in
May, 1876; and with his death the hitherto aristocratic and exclusive
party, which he had so long led, became transformed. Under its new
leader, Abraham Kuyper, it became democratised, and, by combining its
support of the religious principle in education with that of progressive
reform, was able to exercise a far wider influence in the political
sphere. Kuyper, for many years a Calvinist pastor, undertook in 1872 the
editorship of the anti-revolutionary paper, _De Standdard_. In 1874 he
was elected member for Gouda, but resigned in order to give his whole
time to journalism in the interest of the political principles to which
he now devoted his great abilities.

The Heemskerk ministry had the support of no party, but by the
opportunist skill of its chief it continued in office for three years;
no party was prepared to take its place, and "the government of the king
must be carried on." The measures that were passed in this time were
useful rather than important. An attempt to deal with primary
instruction led to the downfall of the ministry. The elections of 1877
strengthened the liberals; and, an amendment to the speech from the
throne being carried, Heemskerk resigned. His place was taken by Joannes
Kappeyne, leader of the progressive liberals. A new department of State
was now created, that of Waterways and Commerce, whose duties in a
country like Holland, covered with a net-work of dykes and canals, was
of great importance. A measure which denied State support to the
"private" schools was bitterly resisted by the anti-revolutionaries and
the Catholics, whose union in defence of religious education was from
this time forward to become closer. The outlay in connection with the
costly Achin war, which had broken out afresh, led to a considerable
deficit in the budget. In consequence of this a proposal for the
construction of some new canals was rejected by a majority of one. The
financial difficulties, which had necessitated the imposing of unpopular
taxes, had once more led to divisions in the liberal ranks; and
Kappeyne, finding that the king would not support his proposals for a
revision of the Fundamental Law, saw no course open to him but
resignation.

In these circumstances the king decided to ask an anti-revolutionary,
Count van Lynden van Sandenburg, to form a "Ministry of Affairs,"
composed of moderate men of various parties. Van Lynden had a difficult
task, but with the strong support of the king his policy of conciliation
carried him safely through four disquieting and anxious years. The
revolt of the Boers in the Transvaal against British rule caused great
excitement in Holland, and aroused much sympathy. Van Lynden was careful
to avoid any steps which might give umbrage to England, and he was
successful in his efforts. The Achin trouble was, however, still a
cause of much embarrassment. Worst of all was the series of bereavements
which at this time befell the House of Orange-Nassau. In 1877 Queen
Sophie died, affectionately remembered for her interest in art and
science, and her exemplary life. The king's brother, Henry, for thirty
years Stadholder of Luxemburg, died childless early in 1879; and shortly
afterwards in June the Prince of Orange, who had never married, passed
away suddenly at Paris. The two sons of William III's uncle Frederick
predeceased their father, whose death took place in 1881. Alexander, the
younger son of the king, was sickly and feeble-minded; and with his
decease in 1884, the male line of the House of Orange-Nassau became
extinct. Foreseeing such a possibility in January, 1879, the already
aged king took in second wedlock the youthful Princess Emma of
Waldeck-Pyrmont. Great was the joy of the Dutch people, when, on August
31, 1880, she gave birth to a princess, Wilhelmina, who became from this
time forth the hope of a dynasty, whose history for three centuries had
been bound up with that of the nation.

The Van Lynden administration, having steered its way through many
parliamentary crises for four years, was at last beaten upon a proposal
to enlarge the franchise, and resigned (February 26, 1883). To Heemskerk
was confided the formation of a coalition ministry of a neutral
character; and this experienced statesman became for the third time
first minister of the crown. The dissensions in the liberal party
converted the Second Chamber into a meeting-place of hostile factions;
and Heemskerk was better fitted than any other politician to be the head
of a government which, having no majority to support it, had to rely
upon tactful management and expediency. The rise of a socialist party
under the enthusiastic leadership of a former Lutheran pastor, Domela
Nieuwenhuis, added to the perplexities of the position. It soon became
evident that a revision of the Fundamental Law and an extension of the
franchise, which the king no longer opposed, was inevitable. Meanwhile
the death of Prince Alexander and the king's growing infirmities made it
necessary to provide, by a bill passed on August 2,1884, that Queen Emma
should become regent during her daughter's minority.

Everything conspired to beset the path of the Heemskerk ministry with
hindrances to administrative or legislative action. The bad state of the
finances (chiefly owing to the calls for the Achin war) the subdivision
of all parties into groups, the socialist agitation and the weak
health of the king, created something like a parliamentary deadlock. A
revision of the constitution became more and more pressing as the only
remedy, though no party was keenly in its favour. Certain proposals for
revision were made by the government (March, 1885), but the
anti-revolutionaries, the Catholics and the conservatives were united in
opposition, unless concessions were made in the matter of religious
education. Such concessions as were finally offered were rejected
(April, 1886), and Heemskerk offered his resignation. Baron Mackay
(anti-revolutionary) declining office, a dissolution followed. The
result of the elections, however, was inconclusive, the liberals of all
shades having a bare majority of four; but there was no change of
ministry. A more conciliatory spirit fortunately prevailed under stress
of circumstances in the new Chamber; and at last, after many debates,
the law revising the constitution was passed through both Chambers, and
approved by the king (November 30, 1887). It was a compromise measure,
and no violent changes were made. The First Chamber was to consist of 50
members, appointed by the Provincial Councils; the Second Chamber of 100
members, chosen by an electorate of male persons of not less than 25
years of age with a residential qualification and possessing "signs of
fitness and social well-being"--a vague phrase requiring future
definition. The number of electors was increased from (in round numbers)
100,000 to 350,000, but universal male suffrage, the demand of the
socialists and more advanced liberals, was not conceded.

The elections of 1888 were fought on the question of religious education
in the primary schools. The two "Christian" parties, the Calvinist
anti-revolutionaries under the leadership of Dr Kuyper, and the
Catholics, who had found a leader of eloquence and power in Dr
Schaepman, a Catholic priest, coalesced in a common programme for a
revision of Kappeyne's Education Act of 1878. The coalition obtained a
majority, 27 anti-revolutionaries and 25 Catholics being returned as
against 46 liberals of various groups. For the first time a socialist,
Domela Nieuwenhuis, was elected. The conservative party was reduced to
one member. In the First Chamber the liberals still commanded a
majority. In April, 1888, Baron Mackay, an anti-revolutionary of
moderate views, became first minister. The coalition made the revision
of the Education Act of 1878 their first business; and they obtained the
support of some liberals who were anxious to see the school question
out of the way. The so-called "Mackay Law" was passed in 1889. It
provided that "private" schools should receive State support on
condition that they conformed to the official regulations; that the
number of scholars should be not less than twenty-five; and that they
should be under the management of some body, religious or otherwise,
recognised by the State. This settlement was a compromise, but it
offered the solution of an acute controversy and was found to work
satisfactorily.

The death of King William on November 23, 1890, was much mourned by his
people. He was a man of strong and somewhat narrow views, but during his
reign of 41 years his sincere love for his country was never in doubt,
nor did he lose popularity by his anti-liberal attitude on many
occasions, for it was known to arise from honest conviction; and it was
amidst general regret that the last male representative of the House of
Orange-Nassau was laid in his grave.

A proposal by the Catholic minister Borgesius for the introduction of
universal personal military service was displeasing however to many of
his own party, and it was defeated with the help of Catholic dissidents.
An election followed, and the liberals regained a majority. A new
government was formed of a moderate progressive character, the premier
being Cornelis van Tienhoven. It was a ministry of talents, Tak van
Poortvliet (interior) and N.G. Pierson (finance) being men of marked
ability. Pierson had more success than any of his predecessors in
bringing to an end the recurring deficits in the annual balance sheet.
He imposed an income tax on all incomes above 650 florins derived from
salaries or commerce. All other sources of income were capitalised
(funds, investments, farming, etc.); and a tax was placed on all capital
above 13,000 florins. Various duties and customs were lowered, to the
advantage of trade. There was, however, a growing demand for a still
further extension of the franchise, and for an official interpretation
of that puzzling qualification of the Revision of 1889--"signs of
fitness and social well-being." Tak van Poortvliet brought in a measure
which would practically have introduced universal male suffrage, for he
interpreted the words as including all who could write and did not
receive doles from charity. This proposal, brought forward in 1893,
again split up the liberal party. The moderates under the leadership of
Samuel van Houten vigorously opposed such an increase of the electorate;
and they had the support of the more conservative anti-revolutionaries
and a large part of the Catholics. The more democratic followers of
Kuyper and Schaepman and the progressive radicals ranged themselves on
the side of Tak van Poortvliet. All parties were thus broken up into
hostile groups. The election of 1894 was contested no longer on party
lines, but between Takkians and anti-Takkians. The result was adverse to
Tak, his following only mustering 46 votes against 54 for their
opponents.

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