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The Life and Correspondence of Sir Isaac Brock by Ferdinand Brock Tupper

F >> Ferdinand Brock Tupper >> The Life and Correspondence of Sir Isaac Brock




What do you think of the president's speech? In any government
more consistent, it would mean war. I think that he has
committed himself more openly and more unjustifiably than
could have been expected, in the relation of the affair of
the Little Belt, by accusing that poor little sloop of a
wanton act of aggression by attacking a huge American frigate,
when Commodore Rodgers himself admits that he was for nearly
eight hours the chasing vessel.

Governor Gore has revived the formation of the Glengary
Fencibles, and I have shewn Sir George what passed on a former
occasion. I hope the latter will be able to provide for his
school-fellow, Major-General Sheaffe,[39] and he expresses
himself very anxious to do so.


_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-General Sir G. Prevost, Bart., at
Quebec_.

YORK, December 2, 1811.

The information contained in the message of the president to
congress, relative to the existing differences between England
and the United States, will justify, I presume to think, the
adoption of such precautionary measures as may be necessary to
meet all future exigencies. Under this impression, I beg leave
to submit to your excellency such observations as occur to me,
to enable you to form a correct judgment; of the actual state
of this province.

The military force which heretofore occupied the frontier
posts being so inadequate to their defence, a general opinion
prevailed that no opposition, in the event of hostilities, was
intended. The late increase of ammunition and every species of
stores, the substitution of a strong regiment, and the
appointment of a military person to administer the government,
have tended to infuse other sentiments among the most
reflecting part of the community; and I feel happy in being
able to assure your excellency, that during my visit last week
at Niagara, I received the most satisfactory professions of a
determination on the part of the principal inhabitants to
exert every means in their power in the defence of their
property and support of the government. They look with
confidence to your excellency for such additional aid as may
be necessary, in conjunction with the militia, to repel any
hostile attempt against this province.

I shall beg leave to refer your excellency to the
communications of Lieut.-Governor Gore with Sir James Craig,
for a correct view of the temper and composition of the
militia and Indians. Although perfectly aware of the number of
improper characters who have obtained extensive possessions,
and whose principles diffuse a spirit of insubordination very
adverse to all military institutions, I am however well
assured that a large majority would prove faithful. It is
certain that the best policy to be pursued, should future
circumstances call for active preparations, will be to act
with the utmost liberality, and as if no mistrust existed;
for, unless the inhabitants give an active and efficient aid,
it will be utterly impossible for the very limited number of
the military, who are likely to be employed, to preserve the
province.

The first point to which I am anxious to call your
excellency's attention, is the district of Amherstburg. I
consider it the most important, and, if supplied with the
means of commencing active operations, must deter any
offensive attempt on this province, from Niagara westward. The
American government will be compelled to secure their western
frontier from the inroads of the Indians, and this cannot be
effected without a very considerable force. But before we can
expect an active co-operation on the part of the Indians, the
reduction of Detroit and Michilimakinack must convince that
people, who conceive themselves to have been sacrificed, in
1794,[40] to our policy, that we are earnestly engaged in the
war. The Indians, I am made to understand, are eager for an
opportunity to avenge the numerous injuries of which they
complain. A few tribes, at the instigation of a Shawnese,[41]
of no particular note, have already, although explicitly told
not to look for assistance from us, commenced the contest. The
stand which they continue to make upon the Wabash, against
about 2,000 Americans, including militia and regulars, is a
strong proof of the large force which a general combination of
the Indians will render necessary to protect so widely
extended a frontier.

The garrisons of Detroit and Michilimakinack do not, I
believe, exceed seventy rank and file each; but the former can
be easily reinforced by the militia in the neighbourhood,
which, though not numerous, would be ample for its defence,
unless assailed by a force much superior to any we can now
command. The Americans will probably draw their principal
force, either for offence or defence, from the Ohio, an
enterprising, hardy race, and uncommonly expert on horseback
with the rifle. This species of force is formidable to the
Indians, although, according to reports which have reached me
by different channels, but not official, they lately repelled
an attack of some magnitude. Unless a diversion, such as I
have suggested, be made, an overwhelming force will probably
be directed against this part of the province. The measure
will, however, be attended with a heavy expense, especially in
the article of provision, for, not only the Indians who take
the field, but their families, must be maintained.

The numeral force of the militia in the vicinity of
Amherstburg exceeds by a trifle seven hundred rank and file;
consequently, very little assistance can be derived from that
source in any offensive operation. Should, therefore, the
aspect of affairs hereafter give stronger indications of a
rupture, I propose augmenting the garrison of Amherstburg
with two hundred rank and file from Fort George and York. Such
a measure I consider essentially necessary, were it only
calculated to rouse the energy of the militia and Indians, who
are now impressed with a firm belief, that in the event of war
they are to be left to their fate. Great pains have been taken
to instil this idea into their minds, and no stronger argument
could be employed than the weak state of that garrison.

The army now assembled upon the Wabash, with the ostensible
view of opposing the Shawnese, is a strong additional motive
in my mind in support of this measure; for I have no doubt
that, the instant their service in the field terminates, a
large portion of the regulars will be detached to strengthen
the garrison of Detroit. I have prepared Colonel Proctor for
such an event, and after weighing the inconvenience to which
the service would be exposed if the district were placed under
a militia colonel, (an event obvious, unless superseded by a
regular officer of equal rank) I have directed Lieut.-Colonel
St. George to be in readiness to repair to Amherstburg and
assume the command; and I hope his situation of inspector of
militia will not be considered a bar to the arrangement. The
state of the roads will probably stop this projected movement
until the end of this month or beginning of the next; nor do I
intend that the troops should leave their present quarters,
unless urged by some fresh circumstances. I therefore look to
receive your excellency's commands previous to their
departure.

From Amherstburg to Fort Erie, my chief dependance must rest
on a naval force for the protection of that extensive coast;
but, considering the state to which it is reduced,
extraordinary exertions and great expense will be required
before it can be rendered efficient. At present, it consists
only of a ship and a small schooner--the latter of a bad
construction, old, and in want of many repairs; yet she is the
only king's vessel able to navigate Lake Huron, whilst the
Americans have a sloop, and a fine brig capable of carrying
twelve guns, both in perfect readiness for any service. If,
consequently, the garrison of St. Joseph's is to be
maintained, and an attack on Michilimakinack undertaken, it
will be expedient to hire, or purchase from the merchants, as
many vessels as may be necessary for the purpose. The
Americans can resort to the same means, and the construction
and number of their vessels for trade will give them great
advantage: besides, their small craft, or boats, in which
troops could be easily transported, exceed ours considerably;
indeed, we have very few of that description. I therefore
leave it to your excellency's superior judgment to determine
whether a sufficient number of gun-boats for both lakes, so
constructed as to draw little water, ought not be added to our
means of offence and defence. It is worthy of remark, that the
only American national vessel on Lake Ontario, built two years
ago, and now lying in Sackett's harbour, has remained without
seamen until within the last fortnight, when the officers
began to enter men as fast as possible. A lieutenant with a
party came to Buffalo, a tolerably large village opposite Fort
Erie, and procured several hands, but, not satisfied, a petty
officer was sent to our side to inveigle others. The
magistrates, hearing of this, sent to apprehend him; but he
escaped with difficulty.

The strait between Niagara and Fort Erie is that which, in all
probability, will be chosen by the Americans for their main
body to penetrate with a view to conquest. All other attacks
will be subordinate, or merely made to divert our attention.
About three thousand militia could, upon an emergency, be
drawn by us to that line, and nearly five hundred Indians
could also be collected; therefore, with the regulars, no
trifling force could hope for success, provided a determined
resistance were made; but I cannot conceal from your
excellency, that unless a strong regular force be present to
animate the loyal and to control the disaffected, nothing
effectual can be expected. A protracted resistance upon this
frontier will be sure to embarrass the enemy's plans
materially. They will not come prepared to meet it, and their
troops, or volunteer corps, without scarcely any discipline,
so far at least as control is in question, will soon tire
under disappointment. The difficulty which they will
experience in providing provisions will involve them in
expenses, under which their government will soon become
impatient.

The car brigade will be particularly useful in obstructing
their passage; and I cannot be too urgent in soliciting the
means, both as to gunners and drivers, and likewise as to
horses, to render this arm complete for service. A small body
of cavalry would also be absolutely necessary, and I have
already offers from many respectable young men, to form
themselves into a troop. All they seem to require are swords
and pistols, which the stores below may probably be able to
furnish.

The situation of Kingston is so very important in every
military point of view, that I cannot be too earnest in
drawing your excellency's attention to that quarter. The
militia, from the Bay of Quinti down to Glengary, is the most
respectable of any in the province. Among the officers several
are on half pay, and still retain a sound military spirit.
Those from the Bay of Quinti would be properly stationed at
Kingston, but all downwards would naturally desire to be
employed to resist any predatory excursions to which their
property would be so much exposed from the opposite shore.
Besides, I have always been of opinion that a strong
detachment would follow the route of Lord Amherst, and attempt
to enter the province by Ozwegatchie.[42] The militia on the
whole of that communication cannot, therefore, be more
usefully employed than in watching such a movement; and should
the enemy direct the whole of his force by St. John's, the
greater part can with the utmost facility join the army acting
upon that frontier.

The militia act, which I have the honor to enclose, provides
for such an emergency, but your excellency will readily
observe, that among many wise and salutary provisions, there
are but few means of enforcing them. No exertions, however,
shall be wanting in my civil capacity to place that body upon
a respectable footing. Mr. Cartwright, the senior militia
colonel at Kingston, possesses the influence to which his firm
character and superior abilities so deservedly entitle him;
but as I cannot possibly give the necessary attention to so
distant an object, and as a regular officer will be
indispensable to direct the operations, one of high rank
ought, if possible, to be nominated to that command. So much
will remain to be done, and such high expenses to be incurred
in the quartermaster-general's departments, that I cannot too
earnestly request your excellency to select an officer who may
be equal to discharge the various duties of that office. A
head to the commissariat will be likewise indispensable.

I have trespassed greatly on your excellency's time, but I beg
to be permitted to entreat your excellency to honor me with
such advice and counsel as your experience may suggest, and be
assured it will ever be my utmost pride to meet your views and
to merit your approbation.


_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-General Sir G. Prevost._

YORK, December 3, 1811.

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
excellency's dispatch, dated the 11th ultimo, with its
enclosures.

My first care, on my arrival in this province, was to direct
the officers of the Indian department at Amherstburg to exert
their whole influence with the Indians to prevent the attack
which I understood a few tribes meditated against the American
frontier. But their efforts proved fruitless, as such was the
infatuation of the Indians, that they refused to listen to
advice; and they are now so deeply engaged, that I despair of
being able to withdraw them from the contest in time to avert
their destruction. A high degree of fanaticism, which had been
for years working in their minds, has led to the present
event.


_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-General Sir G. Prevost._

YORK, December 11, 1811.

I had the honor yesterday of receiving your excellency's
letter of the 1st ultimo, stating your intention of
establishing depots of small arms, accoutrements and
ammunition, at the different posts in Upper Canada.

Since the settlement of the province, several hundred stands
have been at different times issued to the militia, and I have
given directions for collecting them, but in all probability
great deficiencies will be found; indeed, it has already been
ascertained that those delivered in 1795 by the late
Lieut.-General Simcoe are wholly lost to the service. To
obviate for the future such an extensive waste, I propose
fixing upon proper places at each post, wherein the arms may
be deposited after the militia have exercised; and I have to
request your excellency's permission to direct the field train
department to attend to their preservation, and keep them in a
state of repair, in the same manner as those remaining in
store. The expense cannot be great, and in all such cases the
infant state of the country obliges the militia to have
recourse to the military.

I have recently had occasion to report for your excellency's
information, the total want of stores at this post, beyond
those immediately necessary for the commissariat. I shall
consequently be much at a loss to find accommodation for the
2,329 French muskets which your excellency has directed to be
sent here; and as the only magazine is a small wooden shed,
not sixty yards from the king's house, which is rendered
dangerous from the quantity of powder it already contains, I
cannot but feel a repugnance to lodge the additional 13,140
ball cartridges intended for this post in a place so evidently
insecure. But as these arrangements cannot conveniently take
place until the opening of the navigation, there will be
sufficient time to contrive the best means to meet your
excellency's wishes.


_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._

QUEBEC, December 12, 1811.

[OFFICIAL]

I am directed to transmit herewith a copy of proposals for
raising a corps of Glengary Fencibles. The commander of the
forces has selected an officer of the king's regiment, a
Captain George M'Donnell, an avowed catholic, and a relation
of the Glengary priest of that name, to attempt the formation
of a small battalion, to be in the first instance under his
command with the rank of major; and in case a more respectable
body can be collected, a lieutenant-colonel commandant will be
appointed. Captain M'Donnell will leave this in a few days,
and he will be directed to take an early opportunity of
communicating with you as soon as he has felt his ground a
little in Glengary, and is able to form a correct idea of the
prospect and extent of success that is likely to attend his
exertions.

I shall have the honor of sending you by the next post a
regulation for the payment of clergymen performing religious
duties for the troops at the different stations in Canada. The
officiating clergyman at York will receive the garrison
allowances of a captain, together with a salary of L70 army
sterling per annum.

[PRIVATE.]

Sir George will fill up the new Glengary corps with as many
officers as he can from the line, with permanent rank, and I
have availed myself of the opportunity to propose one, in
whose advancement I know you feel an interest. He has allowed
me to note Lieutenant Shaw, of the 49th, for a company, and
you are at liberty to inform his father, the general, of Sir
George's favorable intentions towards his son.


_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._

QUEBEC, December 24, 1811.

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 2d instant, which reached me by the courier on Saturday,
and I have not failed to give it that consideration which the
importance of the several points, to which it alludes,
entitles it.

In addition to the president's message being full of
gunpowder, the report made to congress by its committee on the
state of the foreign affairs of the United States, conveys
sentiments of such decided hostility towards England, that I
feel justified in recommending such precaution as may place
you in a state of preparation for that event; and with this
view you must endeavour to trace an outline of co-operation,
compensating for our deficiency in strength. I agree with you
as to the advantages which may result from giving, rather than
receiving, the first blow; but it is not my opinion war will
commence by a declaration of it. That act would militate
against the policy of both countries; therefore, we must
expect repeated petty aggressions from our neighbours, before
we are permitted to retaliate by open hostilities. It is very
satisfactory to observe the professions of the inhabitants of
Upper Canada in defence of their property and in support of
their government.

I will look into the correspondence you refer to, which took
place between Sir James Craig and Lieut.-Governor Gore, in
1807, 1808 and 1809, respecting the temper and disposition of
your militia, and the policy to be observed in your
intercourse with the Indians.

Your views, in regard to the line of conduct to be observed
towards the militia forces, notwithstanding some existing
circumstances unfavorable in their composition, are in my
estimation wise, and on such conceptions I have hitherto
acted.

There are too many considerations to allow me to hesitate in
saying we must employ the Indians, if they can be brought to
act with us. The utmost caution should be used in our language
to them, and all direct explanation should be delayed, if
possible, until hostilities are more certain; though whenever
the subject is adverted to, I think it would be advisable
always to intimate that, as a matter of course, we shall, in
the event of war, expect the aid of our brothers. Although I
am sensible this requires delicacy, still it should be done so
as not to be misunderstood.

I shall call the attention of the commissariat to the supply
of provisions that may be required in the Upper Province; and
I had, previously to the arrival of your letter, given
directions for the building of another schooner for Lake Erie.

[The remainder of this letter is of no interest.]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 35: While Colonel Craig, he was lieutenant-governor of
Guernsey, in 1793, but only for a few months.]

[Footnote 36: Memoirs of the Administration of the Colonial Government
of Lower Canada, by Sir James Henry Craig and Sir George Prevost, from
the year 1807 until the year 1815; comprehending the Military and Naval
operations in the Canadas during the late War with the United States of
America. By Robert Christie.--Quebec, 1818.]

[Footnote 37: The present General Sir Gordon Drummond, G.C.B., colonel
of the 49th foot. He succeeded to the command of the forces in Upper
Canada in December, 1813.]

[Footnote 38: Lieut.-Colonel Ellice, inspecting field officer of
militia.]

[Footnote 39: The present General Sir Roger H. Sheaffe, Bart., colonel
of the 36th regiment, born at Boston, United States, 15th July, 1763,
and entered the British army on the 1st May, 1778.

N.B.--On the day on which the last sheet was printed, we discovered that
we had been misled by the _Times_ of 24th November, 1835, in stating our
belief that Sir George Prevost was "Canadian born." He was born at New
York, May 19, 1767--his father, a native of Geneva, settled in England,
and became a major-general in the British army--his mother was Dutch,
and as regards nativity, Sir George Prevost was certainly not an
Englishman, so that our remark at page 95 on this point applies almost
equally. Sir G. Prevost was created a baronet in 1805.]

[Footnote 40: Miami affair.]

[Footnote 41: Doubtless the afterwards celebrated Tecumseh, or his
brother.]

[Footnote 42: An American fort on the river St. Lawrence, about seventy
miles from Kingston, and one hundred and twenty-five miles from
Montreal.]




CHAPTER VI.


Our memoir having now reached the year 1812, in which the United States
of America declared war against Great Britain, we proceed to give a
brief review of the causes which led to that event; and in doing so it
will be necessary to go back to the commencement of the century.

The first president of America, the immortal Washington,[43] and his
successor, Adams, entertained friendly sentiments towards the British
government and people; but early in 1801, Jefferson succeeded the latter
functionary as president, being elected by ten of the sixteen states
then constituting the Union. Jefferson was as inimical to England as he
was favorable to France, so was his secretary of state, and successor in
the presidential chair, Madison. Although there were many intervenient
heart-burnings, it was not until the year 1807, when Jefferson was a
second time president, that the government of the United States assumed
a decidedly hostile attitude towards Great Britain. The Berlin decree,
in which the French ruler ventured to declare the British islands in a
state of blockade, and to interdict all neutrals from trading with the
British ports in any commodities whatever, produced fresh retaliatory
orders in council, intended to support England's maritime rights and
commerce, and to counteract Bonaparte's continental system. The Berlin
decree was a gross infringement of the law of nations and an outrage on
neutral rights, which especially called for resistance from the
Americans, a neutral and trading people; but they neither resisted nor
seriously remonstrated against it. Other causes of dispute arose from
the determination of the British government to exclude the Americans
from the blockaded ports of France, and from that inexhaustible source
of quarrel, the impressment of British seamen from American vessels,
especially as the difficulty of distinguishing British from American
seamen led occasionally to the impressment of American native born
citizens. In June, 1807, occurred the rencontre between his majesty's
ship Leopard and the Chesapeake, which terminated in the forcible
extraction from the American frigate of four deserters from British
ships of war. The British government instantly disavowed this act, and
recalled Vice-Admiral Berkeley, who had given the order to search the
Chesapeake. Jefferson, however, not only issued a proclamation
interdicting all British ships of war from entering the ports of the
United States, but proposed to congress to lay an embargo on American
vessels, and to compel the trading ships of every other nation to quit
the American harbours. This proposition was warmly opposed by the
federalists, or Washingtonians, but it was nevertheless adopted by large
majorities. Thus matters remained, with subsequent slight modifications,
from the month of December, 1807, to the declaration of war in 1812, an
interval which the commercial classes spent in a hopeless struggle
against bankruptcy and ruin. Attempts were not wanting on our part to
arrive at a friendly accommodation, but Jefferson demanded, as a
preliminary, the revocation of the British orders in council, and the
entire exemption of American ships from any search, or from any question
as to their crews or cargoes. The British government pledged itself to
repeal the orders in council as soon as the French decrees should cease
to exist. In 1809, Jefferson was succeeded as president by Madison, who
was compelled to yield somewhat to the popular outcry, and to repeal the
universal embargo substituting a non-intercourse act with England and
France, both which nations, it must be confessed, having by restraints
on their commerce given the Americans just grounds for dissatisfaction.
On the 23d June, 1812, the prince regent in council revoked the orders
in council as far as regarded America, with a proviso that the
revocation should be of no effect unless the United States rescinded
their non-intercourse act with England. It has been thought that the
revocation came too late, and that if it had been conceded a few weeks
earlier, there would have been no war with America; but Madison had
been treating with Bonaparte's government since the end of the year
1810, and the whole course of his conduct, with his evident desire to
illustrate his presidency by the conquest of Canada, proved his
determination to brave a war with England. He and his party nicely
calculated on which side the greater profit was to be obtained--whether
the United States would gain more by going to war with England than by
hostility against Bonaparte and his edicts. "Every thing in the United
States," says James in his naval history, "was to be settled by a
calculation of profit and loss. France had numerous allies--England
scarcely any. France had no contiguous territory; England had the
Canadas ready to be marched into at a moment's notice. France had no
commerce; England had richly-laden merchantmen traversing every sea.
England, therefore, it was against whom the death-blows of America were
to be levelled." The struggles of England against Napoleon enabled the
American government to choose its own time. On the 14th April, congress
laid an embargo on all ships and vessels of the United States during the
space of ninety days, with the view of lessening the number that would
be at the mercy of England when war was finally declared, and also of
manning efficiently their ships of war and privateers. By the end of May
their fastest merchant vessels were converted into cruisers, ready to
start at a short notice. On the 18th of June, before the revocation of
the orders in council was known in the United States, a declaration of
war was carried in the house of representatives by seventy-nine to
forty-nine votes, its supporters being chiefly from the western and
southern states to Pennsylvania inclusive, while the advocates for peace
were principally from the northern and eastern states.[44]

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Resounding Guardian first book award victory for The Rest Is Noise
Articles published by guardian.co.uk Books

Site of the Week: The International Literary Quarterly

An intricate, kaleidoscopic, all-embracing history of 20th-century music from Mahler to La Monte Young is the winner of this year's Guardian first book award. Alex Ross's The Rest Is Noise was the clear and undisputed winner of the £10,000 prize, which has been presented at a ceremony in central London tonight.

The chair of the judging panel, Guardian literary editor Claire Armitstead, said: "In some quarters this book has been seen as not having a popular appeal. Our prize – which, uniquely, relies on readers' groups in the early stages of judging – proves that, on the contrary, there is a huge appetite among readers for clear, serious but accessible books."

According to one judge: "Where Ross lifts his book above the 'expert' and impressive to the 'good read' category is in the way he wears his learning lightly, never clutches for false or contrived ways of explaining music, and never dumbs down in order to explain."

One of the members of the Waterstone's reading groups, who helped in the judging process, said: "Every time I felt overwhelmed by the technicalities, along came a sublime metaphor or simile that would light up the prose."

Ross, who is the music critic of the New Yorker, has distilled a lifetime's enthusiasm and learning into a rich narrative of musical history, setting the works of Mahler, Schoenberg, John Cage and the rest into their cultural and political contexts – but also giving a vivid sense of what the music he describes actually sounds and feels like.

Of all the artforms, modern and contemporary classical music is often seen as the most rebarbative. Ross brushes aside the mythology of 20th-century music's "inaccessibility" as he charts its meandering histories. Along the way, fascinating connections are made: hip-hop has more in common with Janacek than you might think; Arnold Schoenberg and George Gershwin were tennis partners; Gershwin, in turn, was an ardent fan of Alban Berg and kept an autographed photo of the composer of Lulu in his apartment. If there is an overarching idea to the book, it is perhaps contained in Berg's pronouncement to Gershwin: "Mr Gershwin, music is music."

Ross, 40, was born in Washington DC, and studied English and history at Harvard. An enthusiastic teenage musician and student broadcaster, he began writing music criticism after university and in 1996 was appointed music critic of the New Yorker. His blog – also called The Rest Is Noise – has been a trailblazer in harnessing the internet as a way of amplifying (often literally) his writing on music.

The New York Review of Books described The Rest Is Noise as "by far the liveliest and smartest popular introduction yet written to a century of diverse music". The Economist noted: "No other critic writing in English can so effectively explain why you like a piece, or beguile you to reconsider it, or prompt you to hurry online and buy a recording."

Nicholas Kenyon, managing director of the Barbican and a former Observer music critic, said: "At a time when people are still talking about 20th-century music as if it were a problem, here is a lucid and entertaining book about what I regard as some of the greatest music ever written. It's a wonderful way to advance the cause of 20th-century music to an ordinary, intelligent general reader. It's the ideal mix of enthusiasm and information."

This year's judging panel comprised novelist Roddy Doyle; broadcaster and novelist Francine Stock; poet Daljit Nagra; the historian David Kynaston; novelist Kate Mosse and Guardian deputy editor, Katharine Viner. Stuart Broom of Waterstone's also joined the deliberations, speaking as the representative of the readers' groups.

The other books on the shortlist were Mohammed Hanif's A Case of Exploding Mangoes; Ross Raisin's God's Own Country; Steve Toltz's A Fraction of the Whole (which was also shortlisted for the Man Booker prize) and Owen Matthews's Stalin's Children.

Previous winners of the prize have included Stuart: A Life Backwards by Alexander Masters (2005) and Zadie Smith's White Teeth (2000).

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