A Century of Wrong by F. W. Reitz
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F. W. Reitz >> A Century of Wrong
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This Government has, however, on more than one occasion, notified to Her
Majesty's Government that it will attach great value to any suggestions
which may be tendered in the interests of British subjects, and it will
certainly lend a very willing ear to any friendly advice or hints which
may be given by Her Majesty's Government as being the representative of
a Power which, with this Republic and the Orange Free State, protects
and fosters the paramount interests of South Africa.
His Honour the State President was animated by these sentiments when he
accepted the courteous invitation of His Honour President Steyn to
proceed to Bloemfontein in order to confer with Your Excellency about
matters which are an equal source of interest to this Republic and Her
Majesty's Government. These friendly sentiments now prompt it to take
the liberty of drawing serious attention to the fact that Her Majesty's
Government certainly appear to be supplied with insufficient and
incorrect data about facts and occurrences from which erroneous ideas
and conclusions are drawn, so that, although desirous of avoiding
subjects the discussion of which would be contrary to the Convention,
this Government nevertheless feels that it ought to convey to Her
Majesty's Government the true position of affairs, and that it ought to
point out how the latter is misled, the condition of affairs as depicted
in the dispatch under reply being in all respects exaggerated, and in
many instances entirely untrue.
In the first place, this Government wishes to point out that, so far
from the petition which gave rise to the despatch under reply having
been signed by 21,684 British subjects, it appears indeed that it was
signed by very few people in the South African Republic--leaving aside
all mention of British subjects. This has been substantiated in many
cases by sworn declarations, many of which were handed to His Excellency
the High Commissioner during the Conference at Bloemfontein, and this
Government feels that it may flatter itself that the British Government,
after having examined these documents, will share with this Government
the view that this memorial is in itself a matter of very slight
importance, even although it may contain the signatures of a certain
number of British subjects who hold the opinion that they are entitled
to a change in the form of Government because, in violation of the
Convention entered into between this Republic and Her Majesty's
Government, they will not conform themselves to the laws of the land,
but claim alterations therein at their own caprice.
This Government is all the more convinced that this memorial is of no
great moment, and that it certainly does not express the feelings of all
the so-called Uitlanders, because another memorial has been received by
it from about 23,000 inhabitants of this Republic, nearly all
Uitlanders, and amongst whom are several British subjects. The High
Commissioner was informed that the signatures to this memorial were
obtained in a perfectly _bona fide_ way, and this information was
supported by sworn affidavits. The purport of this memorial bore
evidence to the fact that the thousands of Uitlanders who signed it were
satisfied with the administration and the Government of this Republic,
and did not share the views of the memorialists to Her Britannic Majesty
in respect of what the latter considered to be legitimate grievances.
This Government may further be permitted to point out that although the
Uitlander population may have co-operated in effecting an increase in
the revenues of the State, principally, as His Excellency has been
informed, in custom dues, prospecting licences, railway receipts, etc.,
so that the revenue in 1898 amounted to L3,983,360, the fact must not be
lost sight of, on the other hand, that gold to the value of
_L20,000,000_ was exported from the State during the same year 1898,
almost entirely by the Uitlanders.
At the same time, it must not be forgotten that although the, chief item
in custom dues is collected on goods which are imported at Johannesburg,
yet these goods are not entirely used or consumed by the Uitlanders, for
a considerable quantity is sent over the whole Republic by the wholesale
merchants to the retail dealers who do business with the burghers in the
villages and the country, so that much of what is imported into
Johannesburg is destined for consumption by the original burgher of the
Republic.
With regard to the contention that the mining industry is more heavily
taxed than in any other country, and that the cost of the necessaries of
life is higher, this Government desires to remark that this contention
is entirely contradicted by facts and statistics. The value of goods
imported into the South African Republic during 1898 amounted to
L9,996,575, and the custom duties levied thereon to L1,058,224, or 10.6
per cent. Under the Customs Union of the adjacent British Colonies the
import duties amounted to 15 per cent, of the value of the goods, a
comparison which yields a difference of nearly 50 per cent. in favour of
the Republic. When the matter is examined in detail the case is even
stronger. In the Colonies certain articles, such as bread stuffs, are
subject to a special duty of 2s., say about 30 per cent, of the value,
in corn, and 40 per cent. in meal. In this Republic the duty on both the
foregoing articles is 7-1/2 per cent.; butter is especially taxed at 3d.
per pound, or 30 per cent., under the Customs Union, while in the
Republic it is subject only to the 7-1/2 _ad valorem_ duty. Coffee and
other necessaries of life, on being compared, would show a similar
difference, and this Government therefore trusts that Her Majesty's
Government will exonerate it when it points out the incorrectness and
unreliability of the information supplied to the Secretary of State, on
which he bases his conclusion that the cost of living is unusually high
in consequence of the taxation levied by the State; that such is not the
case will be at once shown by a comparison with the taxation of the
neighbouring Colonies.
The character of the financial administration must have been erroneously
represented to Her Majesty's Government if it was simply stated that
defalcations to an amount of L18,590 had taken place. It would _ex
facie_ appear from such a statement that the above defalcations had
taken place during the past year; as a matter of fact, the Inspection
Department, which has only recently been called into existence, reported
over financial matters covering the years 1884 to 1896.
It is unfair to characterise all deficiencies as defalcations, for from
the nature of the case a deficiency does not always constitute a
defalcation. The report specified the sub-divisions of monies which had
yet to be accounted for. The first item in such deficiencies amounted
originally to L12,000, and of this L6,000 was afterwards collected, and
the balance was only brought forward; another item of _L10,808 11s._ was
brought forward in its entirety, but L3,000 of this was eventually
collected and accounted for, while continual efforts were made to secure
the balance. Many items not brought forward were collected long before
and accounted for, while during the inspection of last year it was found
that a sum of L800 yet remained to be paid in out of the deficiencies,
which balance has been accounted for.
The contention that advances to officials amounting to _L2,398,506 16s.
8d._ have remained unaccounted for is also absolutely incorrect; and the
endeavour to pass this circumstance off as constituting defalcations on
the part of officials bears ample witness to the strong desire to
mislead which has actuated the informants of Her Majesty's Government.
Any person who is even superficially acquainted with financial
administration will readily admit that this is due to a system of
accounting which was followed until recently by Her Majesty's
Government, and which obtains in some British Colonies, in Natal, for
instance, at the present moment.
This system may deserve condemnation; it does not, however, necessarily
follow that because the advances may not be speedily accounted for they
have been embezzled, and it does not appear either from the report of
the Inspector of Offices, or from the debates of the Volksraad, that
such accusations were made. But in addition to this a sum of at least
L1,968,306 is included in the aforesaid total of L2,398,506 16s. 8d.
(but which is not comprised in the customary advances), such as Orphan
Chamber L80,000, Indigent Burghers L150,000, Postal Orders L60,000,
various loans to School Committees, Sanitary Boards, and for Waterworks,
Hospitals, Committees, monies placed at interest in Europe, provisional
loans to Railway Companies, purchases of food stuffs and mules in time
of famine, and many others.
Items, too, of considerable importance appear in the advances, although
they have really been accounted for up to within a pound or two, because
for one reason or another it has not been possible to write off the
exact total, the amounts still to be accounted for having dwindled to a
very insignificant figure.
The contention that during 1896 a sum of L191,837 was paid out of the
Secret Service Money is also absolutely unfounded, for in that amount a
sum of L158,337 was included which was used for special Government
Works, as was expressly stated in a foot-note on page 44 of the
Estimates for 1897. The Secret Service Fund for that year (1896) did not
amount to more than L33,500. This faulty information, supplied to Her
Majesty's Government, is apparently taken from the said Estimates, it
would seem with the fixed determination to ignore the explanatory
foot-note on page 44.
It is incorrect to state that the system of granting concessions remains
in full force. Where the Right Hon. the Secretary of State in his
despatch refers to industrial concessions, this Government may remark
that these are privileges granted in order to stimulate and protect
local industry, and the contention that these concessions will develop
into practical monopolies is not supported by any evidence; results will
show that misleading information has been given here as well.
With regard to the question of education which has been dealt with in
the dispatch of the Right Hon. the Colonial Secretary, this Government
wishes to point out that the amount expended on education during the
year 1898 was L226,219 4s. 8d. In the former year it was less. Of this
amount L36,503 17s. 2d. was devoted to Education on the Gold Fields (for
State as well as for subsidized schools). As the number of scholars
under Act 15, 1896, as well as that of the teachers, have considerably
increased, the amount during the current year will probably be
_L53,000_. The conditions on which this money is given are certainly not
such as to exclude the children of Uitlanders from its benefits.
According to Volksraad Resolution of 1st June, 1892 (and amendments),
schools where a foreign language was the medium of instruction were
entitled to a subsidy of 20s. per pupil per quarter for the lower
standard, and 25s. for the middle standard, provided that certain
requirements as to knowledge of the official language of the country
were complied with. These requirements are a standard lower than that
for children of burghers in the country, who are taught in schools
governed by Law No. 8 of 1892.
Few, if any, Uitlanders avail themselves of this offer; the few who have
done so are now satisfied with it, and continue to enjoy the privileges
of the resolution, although it was only renewed in 1898 for those
schools which made a _bona fide_ use of it. Law No. 15, 1896, made
provision for the children of poor parents and strangers on the
proclaimed gold fields entirely at State expense, and 13 schools have
been established by this law--with 51 teachers and about 1,500
scholars--at Barberton, Pilgrims' Rest, Kaapsche Hoop, Johannesburg (5,
viz., 1 in von Brandis Street, 1 at Braamfontein, 1 at Union Ground, 1
at Vredesdorp, and 1 in Market Street), Maraisburg, Krugersdorp,
Randfontein, Klerksdorp, and Nigel. In addition to these, preparations
are being made for State schools at the City and Suburban,
Bertramstownship, Johannesburg, and at Roodepoort (Krugersdorp).
Out of the above-named 13 schools, English is the medium of instruction
in four, and of the remaining nine English is the medium for the
children of English-speaking parents, and Dutch for those of
Dutch-speaking parents. In these nine schools a little more time is
devoted to learning Dutch in each standard than was the case in the
former standard, so that equality in both languages is reached at the
5th standard.
Altogether there are 27 Dutch Africander or Hollander teachers, and 24
teachers of English origin in these 13 schools. The Dutch Africander or
Hollander teachers are obliged to possess a thorough knowledge of
English, and have either to pass an examination or produce a certificate
to that effect.
The object of the system of education in this Republic is to ensure in
the first place the foundation of general knowledge. Law No. 8, 1892,
provides this for the children of the original Boer population in their
mother tongue, in which the necessary schoolbooks must be written, with
this understanding, however, that in the 3rd standard three hours, and
in the higher ones four hours, per week out of the 25 must be devoted to
education in a foreign language.
With regard to the schools formed under the above-mentioned Resolution,
teaching is carried on through the medium of a foreign language, but at
least 5 hours per week must be devoted to the study of the official
language of the country.
Of the 13 schools formed under Law 15 of 1896, the children of strangers
are instructed in their own language, while the number of hours for
instruction in and by means of Dutch is increased in each standard.
According to a Resolution of the First Volksraad, dated the 8th August,
1898, Article 731, a certain number of the School Board members required
by Article I of Law 15 of 1896 have to be nominated and chosen by the
Executive Council out of enfranchised persons (Article 2, Law 8, 1893)
proposed by the fathers of the school children, on the understanding
that the persons so chosen shall constitute less than half of the whole
School Board, and further, that the persons so proposed shall always be
double the number of the people actually nominated. The above facts
clearly prove, according to the opinion of this Government, that Her
Majesty's Government has also been misled in respect to the matter of
education. It is clear that one-fourth of the whole educational vote has
been devoted to the gold fields, so that the children of Uitlander
residents can make use of it; that proper provision is made for
education in the mother tongue whatever it may be, while at the same
time compulsory education of the language of the country is also
provided for. That both by the Resolution of the 1st June, 1892, as well
as by the Law 15 of 1896, more has actually been done for the Uitlanders
than for the original inhabitants, and that more time is given to the
mother tongue of the children in the schools on the gold fields of this
Republic than in any country in the world, and that here again
information of a misleading character must have been given to His
Excellency and the British Government.
Law No. 15, 1896, and the schools thereby established have been
defended by Englishmen in various newspapers. (See the _S.A. News_, 10th
May, 1899; _The Star_, 22nd March, 1899; _Manchester Guardian_, etc.).
With reference to the Municipality of Johannesburg, this Government
desires to remark that in accordance with the promise made in 1896, the
grant of Municipal Administration was made to the inhabitants of
Johannesburg by which the control of that town and its suburbs was
conferred upon them.
Her Majesty's Government seem to think that this Municipality does not
answer its purpose, in the first place because half of the members must
be naturalized burghers (not fully enfranchised burghers as the dispatch
under reply erroneously contends), and in the second place because the
financial powers of the town council are restricted.
With regard to the first objection, it is impossible that this should be
a great grievance, because a residence of two years in the Republic is
sufficient for naturalisation; as a matter of fact, more than the
necessary half of the members are burghers; this shows conclusively that
the requirement of burghership is in no sense an obstacle. The objection
as to the restriction of the financial powers of the council is not
conclusive, because there is no Municipality in the world the financial
powers of which are not restricted by the law under which they are
created, and the restrictions in the case of the town council of
Johannesburg are the usual ones in such cases.
The Advisory Board recommended by the Industrial Commission would have
proved inefficient because the laws with the administration of which
that body would have had to concern itself can be carried out in a
better and more efficient way by an official like the State Attorney,
who has almost unlimited power and means of doing so. This is exactly
what has happened. All complaints with regard to gold thefts have
actually disappeared; one no longer hears of complaints as to the
operation of the pass law; while latterly, as Her Majesty's Government
must be well aware, the Chamber of Mines and other bodies of the
Witwatersrand have repeatedly expressed their satisfaction with the
stringent way in which the liquor law has been upheld. No local body,
however well informed, would have been able to do what the State
Attorney has done in this matter, and that is sufficient justification
of the action of both Government and Volksraad in refusing to establish
such an Advisory Board.
The Government now passes on to the discussion of the administration of
justice, of which so much is made in the dispatch under reply.
With regard to these allegations, this Government perceives that much
importance is attached in the dispatch to the so-called Lombard
incident, the so-called Edgar case, and the so-called Amphitheatre
occurrence.
A brief consideration of the facts referring to these three matters will
show how unfounded are the accusations of Her Majesty's Government.
With reference to the Lombard incident, this Government wishes to point
out that no complaint was lodged with any official in this Republic for
a full month after the illtreatment of Cape coloured people was alleged
to have taken place, and that neither the Government nor the public was
aware that anything had taken place. The whole case was so insignificant
that some of the people who were alleged to have been illtreated
declared under oath at a later period before a court of investigation
that they would never have made any complaint on their own initiative.
What happened, however?
About a month after the occurrence the South African League came to hear
of it; some of its officials sent round to collect evidence from the
parties who were alleged to have been illtreated, and some sworn
declarations were obtained by the help of Her Majesty's Vice-Consul at
Johannesburg (between whom and this League a continual and conspicuous
co-operation has existed). Even then no charge was lodged against the
implicated officials with the judicial authorities of the country, but
the case was put in the hands of the Acting British Agent at Pretoria.
When the allegations were brought under the notice of this Government,
they at once appointed a commission of enquiry consisting of three
members, namely, Landdrost Van der Berg, of Johannesburg, Mr Andries
Stockenstrom, barrister-at-law of the Middle Temple, head of the
Criminal Section of the State Attorney's Department, and Mr. Van der
Merwe, mining commissioner, of Johannesburg; gentlemen against whose
ability and impartiality the Uitlander population of the Republic have
never harboured the slightest suspicion, and with whose appointment the
Acting British Agent also expressed his entire satisfaction. The
instructions given to these officials were to thoroughly investigate the
whole case, and to report the result to the Government; and they
fulfilled these instructions by sitting for days at a time, and
carefully hearing and sifting the evidence of both sides. Every
right-minded person readily acknowledges that far greater weight ought
to be attached to the finding of this Commission than to the
declarations of the complainants, who contradicted one another in nearly
every particular, and who caused the whole enquiry to degenerate into a
farce.
According to the report, nothing was proved as to the so-called
illtreatment; the special instances of alleged illtreatment turned out
to be purely imaginary; it was clearly proved and found that the
complainants had acted contrary to Law, and the Commission only
expressed disapproval of the fact that the arrests and the investigation
had taken place at night, and without a proper warrant. It fills this
Government with all the greater regret to observe that Her Majesty's
Government bases its charges on _ex parte_, groundless, and in many
respects false declarations of complainants who have been set in motion
by political hatred, and that it silently ignores the report of the
Commission.
The Amphitheatre occurrence is used by Her Majesty's Government to show
how incapable the police of the Witwatersrand are to fulfil their duties
and to preserve order. The League meeting was held at the so-called
Amphitheatre at Johannesburg, with the knowledge of the State Secretary
and State Attorney, and the accusation is that in spite of that fact,
the uproar which arose at that meeting was not quelled by the police.
The following are the true facts:--Mr. Wybergh and another, both in the
service of the South African League, informed the State Secretary and
the State Attorney that they intended to call this meeting in the
Amphitheatre, and asked permission to do so; they were informed that no
permission from the authorities was necessary, and that as long as the
meeting did not give rise to irregularities or disturbances of the
peace, they would be acting entirely within their rights. Their
attention was then drawn to the fact that owing to the action and the
propaganda of the South African League, this body had become extremely
unpopular with a large section of the inhabitants of Johannesburg, and
that in all probability a disturbance of the peace would take place if a
sufficient body of the police were not present to preserve order. To
this these gentlemen answered that the police were in very bad odour
since the Edgar case, that the meeting would be a very quiet one, and
that the presence of the police would contribute, or give rise to,
disorder, and that they would on those grounds rather have no police at
all. The State Secretary and State Attorney thereupon communicated with
the head officials of the police at Johannesburg, with the result that
the latter also thought that it would be better not to have any
considerable number of police at the meeting. The Government
accordingly, on the advice of these officials of the League as well as
their own police officials, gave instructions that the police should
remain away from the meeting; they did this in perfect good faith, and
with the object of letting the League have its say without let or
hindrance. The proposed meeting was however advertised far and wide. As
the feeling amongst a section of the Witwatersrand population was
exceedingly bitter against the League, a considerable number of the
opponents of that body also attended the meeting. The few police who
were present were powerless to quell the disorder, and when the police
came on the scene in force some few minutes after the commencement of
the uproar, the meeting was already broken up. Taken by itself, this
occurrence would not be of much importance, as it is an isolated
instance as far as the gold fields of this Republic are concerned, and
even in the best organised and best ordered communities irregularities
like the above occasionally take place.
The gravity of the matter, however, lies in the unjust accusation of Her
Majesty's Government--that the meeting was broken up by officials of
this Republic, and that the Government had curtly refused to institute
an enquiry.
This Government would not have refused to investigate the matter if any
complaints had been lodged with it, or at any of the local Courts, and
this has been clearly stated in its reply to Her Majesty's request for
an investigation.
The Government objects strongly to the systematic way in which the local
authorities are ignored, and the continual complaints which are lodged
with the Representatives of Her Majesty about matters which ought to be
decided by the Courts of this Republic. Instead, however, of complaining
to Her Majesty's Government after all other reasonable means of redress
have been vainly invoked, they continually make themselves guilty of
ignoring and treating with contempt the local Courts and authorities, by
continually making all sorts of ridiculous and _ex parte_ complaints to
Her Majesty's Government in the first instance; Her Majesty's Government
is also thereby placed in the equivocal and undesirable position of
intermeddling in the internal affairs of this Republic, which is in
conflict with the London Convention. Had the complaints been lodged with
this Government, or with the proper officials or Courts, the facts could
have been very easily arrived at, and it would have been proved that
the few officials who were present at the meeting as a section of the
public had done their best to prevent the irregularities, and that some
of them had been hurt in their endeavours to preserve order.
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