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On Commando by Dietlof Van Warmelo

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After a tiring journey of fully a month, President Steyn's commando
arrived at Pietersburg on October 11. Although we had always intended to
follow President Steyn to De Wet, my brother and I, with Malherbe, now
accepted an invitation from my uncle, Ignace Mare, to stay awhile on his
farm at Marabastad. President Steyn left with his commando for
Nylstroom. Our horses were worn out, and could not follow the commando.
Most of the men had a spare horse that was still in good condition, and
although my brother and I had only one horse apiece, we often had to do
the hardest work.

My aunt and uncle did their best to make our stay a pleasant one, and
our horses were well fed. Soon General Ben Viljoen's commando arrived at
Marabastad, and stayed there a few weeks, so that we also experienced
the discomfort arising from a lager camped on one's farm. The Boer is
deprived by it of all necessaries, and all sorts and conditions of men
constantly visit his house. Some of them, the riff-raff of the commando,
are very unwelcome guests, for they do much mischief intentionally, and
thereby give the commando a very bad name. The poles to which the wire
is attached for camping at a farm were yet left undamaged. The burghers
were still accustomed to get plenty of dry wood in the Boschveld, and
were not yet so demoralized as to work damage without scruple.

We stayed at my uncle's far longer than we at first intended. My saddle
had chafed the horse's back so severely that I could not ride it for
several months. My brother got an attack of malaria, and just as he was
recovering had a relapse, so that President Steyn was so far in advance
of us that there was no question of overtaking him.

The commando had already left Marabastad when we started for
Tweefontein, near Warmbad, on our now strong, sleek horses. There we
joined Commandant Kemp, of the Krugersdorp commando, under Wyk III., who
had parted from Ben Viljoen at Marabastad because the latter had on a
Sunday afternoon during service fired off several cannon-shots for the
edification of a few fast women.

Malherbe, my brother, and I formed a sort of comradeship under Corporal
Botman--or, to put it simply, we were 'chums.' At Warmbad we heard many
interesting things about the khakies, who had stayed there nineteen days
on their hunt after De Wet. We could not understand why they destroyed
the bathing-houses, unless it were to deprive our wounded of the chance
of recovery.

The condition of the people in Zoutpansberg and in Waterberg, where the
enemy had been, was not very cheerful. Everyone complained that there
was no sugar to be had, that the meal was getting low, and that soon
there would be no clothes. Pietersburg was exhausted by the commandos,
and the courage of the inhabitants was nearly at an ebb. They would not
yet make the sacrifice that would part them from their families. The
enemy had not yet driven them to despair by the destruction of their
fields and goods.

Every sensible person knew that the Republics would lose in the
long-run in a guerilla war unless something unforeseen happened. At the
time that we fled from Pretoria my mother said she would have hope as
long as her 'gorillas' remained in the veld. Even if we clung to a
straw, the possibility always remained that things might take a
favourable turn as long as a fair number of burghers remained in the
veld.

The burghers from the different districts now in Waterberg were earnest
and full of courage. Noticeable changes for the better had been made.
Beyers, a man in whom the men had the utmost faith, was made
Assistant-Commandant-General, and was to lead a commando of 1,500
horsemen from Waterberg, Zoutpansberg, Krugersdorp, etc., to the
Hoogeveld. The discipline was much stricter. Cooper and Fanie Grobler,
who had been accused of high treason, promised to keep a sharper
look-out for spies and traitors. And we still always hoped for an
eventual rebellion in Cape Colony. That hope was our life-buoy on which
we kept our eyes fixed. We felt that there our safety lay, and the
enthusiasm of the commando was heightened by the desire to celebrate
Paardekraal Day in Krugersdorp on December 15. As a sailor longs for the
sea, so we longed for a meeting with the khakies when we left for the
Magalies Mountains in the beginning of December. Our commando was light
and mobile, with provisions for a short time only. Such heavy cannon as
the Long Toms were of no use to us now. Hence-forward we were to live on
the produce of the surrounding country, as there was no basis from which
we were to operate. Besides this, the khakies very kindly made over some
of their provisions, arms, and ammunition to us in a skirmish or battle,
so that afterwards we had more Lee-Metfords than Mausers in our
possession.

At Krokodil River I had the privilege of seeing how a honey-bird takes a
human being to a bees' nest. As we were lying under a tree, a honey-bird
settled close to us. Corporal Botman followed it as it flew chirping
from tree to tree, and called to it that he was following, until the
bird stopped at the hive. The grateful finder always rewards the bird
with a piece of honeycomb that he puts aside for it. But I have never
been able to discover whether the bird or the insects eat the honey. I
know that the 'bug-birds,' that are always seen on or near cattle, do
not feed on the bugs with which the cattle are covered, but on the
locusts that fly about the herd. Last week, when our guards took us for
a walk outside the fort, I noticed that a kind of sparrow in India has
the same trick of catching the locusts that are driven on ahead by the
cattle.

I shall not try to give a description of the works of the machinery that
moved mechanically to the Magalies Mountains, for I should have to guess
at the particulars in this historical little tale. Mechanical I call the
journey, for there were days and nights in which we were numbed, body
and soul, exhausted by hunger and thirst and want of sleep.

When we were at Bethany, a convoy of the enemy was seen moving in the
direction of Commandonek. When it noticed our guard, it dragged its
curved body with great zeal through the pass. I think the khakies also
must have been bored to death on those long, fruitless journeys. We left
Bethany towards evening, and reached the Magalies Mountains the
following morning after a tiring journey in the night past Sterkstroom,
through the Kromriverskloof to the foot of Onuapadnek, or
Boschfonteinnek. (I learnt the names from the inhabitants.) In the kloof
we passed the burnt remains of the convoy that was taken by Commandant
Boshoff--who joined De la Rey after having taken Steyn to his
destination--and his brave little troop of burghers. They were obliged
to abandon the convoy, however, on the arrival of reinforcements for the
enemy. A sickening stench came from the corpses that they had left
unburied in their flight.

We rested a few hours at the top of the steep nek. On descending on the
other side we came, to our mutual surprise, upon De la Key's lager at
the foot of the mountain on Barnard's farm.




XI

BATTLE OF NOOITGEDACHT


We were busy all evening baking vet-koek (a kind of scone fried in
lard), as we had received the order to be ready to leave the following
morning at one o'clock, and to take provisions sufficient for two
days. Although our officers were beginning to see the advisability of
keeping their plans secret, we were able to guess that we were going
to attack General Clements' camp, an hour's ride further east at
Nooitgedacht--particularly as the chances of success, in case of an
eventual attack, were being discussed by some of the officers. The
general opinion was that Clements' force was 5,000 strong.

We left quite three-quarters of an hour later than the fixed time in the
early morning of December 13, 1900, and recrossed the steep, narrow
neck, took a way to our right in the Kromriverskloof, making a sharp
turn to Elandskrans, where a strong outpost had been placed by the enemy
on the Magalies Mountains.

That was the crust through which we had to bite to get at the dainties
of the booty. It cannot be denied that victory and booty, in our
impoverished circumstances, were very close together in our thoughts.
The enemy's camp lay at the foot of the long, high cliff that forms a
precipice on that side of the mountain, while the slope of the mountain
on our side was not steep, and there were a great many footholds and
boulders. The artillery had been left in the neck of the pass to protect
the lagers. Beyers, with some Zoutpansbergers, turned away from us to
the right to reach Elandskrans along the mountain ridge. It appeared,
therefore, that Beyers and Kemp were going to make the attack from the
north, with 1,000 men, and that Kemp had the centre and the left wing.
We were again too late. The sun had risen when we began the attack.
Corporal Botman was ordered by Kemp to surround the extreme right of
the enemy's right wing, with thirty men.

We had to storm the left to enclose the enemy in the half-circle. We
were exposed to a rain of bullets, and had to storm through ravines and
reefs, sometimes racing our horses, then leading them, and making use of
every cover. General Beyers, with his splendid sharp-shooters, was
already in hot action with the right wing, and Commandant Kemp in the
centre had forced his way close to the enemy. We tied our horses
together behind a reef, left them in charge of a few men, and advanced,
spreading ourselves in groups of three, four and five. A moment of
extreme anxiety followed.

Not to expose ourselves unnecessarily, we had to peep from behind the
rocks, shoot the course clear, and run to the next cover. Malherbe and I
stayed as close as possible to our cool, collected, brave corporal, and
we had to gasp for breath sometimes if trying to keep up to him. The
others forced their way upwards more to the left, and so formed the
furthest left point of the half-moon.

While the three of us were pushing our way from position to position
into the neighbourhood of the few khakies who already dared not raise
their heads from behind the rocks, I noticed, some 500 paces to our
front, a number of khakies moving in our direction. I warned Malherbe to
keep up his courage, as the enemy were getting reinforcements. A moment
later, while our corporal had again moved onwards, I noticed several
khakies on a stone ridge some 150 paces in front of us. It appeared that
they were driven on by part of the centre and right wing, for just then
two men made their appearance, whom I at once recognised as Boers from
the colour of their clothes and the quick way in which they aimed at me.
I stooped quick as a hare, and immediately rose again. The enemy now
surrendered, I believe to the number of two or three hundred of the
Northumberland Fusiliers, called the 'Fighting Fifth' on account of
their courage and bravery. We also took on the mountain a heliograph
that the enemy had broken.

The khakies acknowledged that we had taken the position with the
greatest possible speed. We were in the majority. But it must not be
forgotten that we were the attacking party and had to expose ourselves,
and also that, although the battle on the mountain extended over a long
line, our right wing had still to reckon with the reinforcements that
were sent up through a narrow kloof from the camp. It was a repetition
of Selikatsnek. The khakies had the good positions, and we had good
cover behind the rocks on the mountain slope. In such a case he is no
match for us.

We went on a few hundred paces over pretty level ground, and then looked
down upon the camp at the foot of the mountain, which consisted of
several hundreds of tents and many waggons. Some of these waggons were
inspanned, some were already retreating, but most of them were not yet
inspanned. The camp lay on the grounds and by the fields of a deserted
farm.

Afterwards I heard that Commandant Badenhorst, of Pretoria (who had
attacked the enemy before our arrival, at the foot of the mountain, and
so suffered the greatest loss), was already retreating, but, hearing the
fighting on the mountain, had renewed his attack.

The enemy could not stand the fire that we opened upon them, and had to
retreat from the camp in the direction of Commandonek. The inevitable
consequence was that the troops on the west, opposite De la Rey, had to
retreat hurriedly so as not to be cut off by the wedge that was forcing
its way along the mountains into the camp. They were far beyond reach of
our bullets. Where De la Rey's cannon were, and why they did not make
themselves heard, I do not know. Neither do I know why General Smuts did
not cut off the retreat of the enemy to the south-east. They had placed
a few cannon to our left in the valley, and bombarded us fiercely on the
mountain without much result. The balls of a small Maxim flew past us
with a hissing sound and hindered us in our aim.

The waggons that were inspanned fled in the direction of Commandonek,
and halted in the valley at a respectful distance from us. Although the
camp appeared to be almost deserted, a continual firing was heard below
us. I could not make out from where it came until I suddenly discovered
several small troops of horsemen who galloped at intervals from behind a
wall in the shade of some trees. They were in all probability left
there as cover for the waggons. The few shots we fired at them missed
their aim. We saw De la Rey's burghers capture a large herd of cattle.

While Malherbe and I were peering from behind our hurriedly erected
entrenchment, and occasionally firing a few shots, I discovered four or
five brave khakies busy dragging along an ammunition waggon, or a gun;
from such a distance we could not distinguish which. We fired at them
with a sight of 800 paces, but did not hit them, as the horizontal
distance to the camp was not more than 400 paces, and we should have
used a sight of 600 paces, but the height of the mountain was very
misleading. Immediately afterwards a span of mules came in the direction
of the supposed gun, so Malherbe and I retreated as fast as we could, to
find a better cover more to the left. It is strange how in a battle one
always has an idea that all the threatened danger is aimed specially at
one's self.

We had to be on the look-out not to fire at our own people, some of whom
were already in the camp. My brother, Malherbe, and I went to the narrow
kloof that I have already mentioned, after a fruitless search for our
horses, which had meanwhile been taken to the entrance of the kloof, and
I heard from my brother that our brave General had been wounded in the
leg by a shell. During the search for our horses we had noticed a long
dust-cloud at the end of Kromriverskloof, near Buffelspoort, moving from
Rustenburg in the direction of Commandonek--in all probability
reinforcements for the enemy, arriving too late.

The Waterbergers and Zoutpansbergers, who were most undisciplined, had
descended through the kloof in quest of booty. But the Krugersdorpers,
formerly notorious for their rough behaviour, were now the most orderly,
and did not descend before all the men were collected. The kloof was
strewn with bodies of khakies, who were sent up as reinforcement and
pitilessly shot down by the burghers. The little stream of water was red
with blood, so that we could not even quench our thirst. Some of the
khakies had fallen from the high cliffs, where they had to lie
unburied--like the soldiers on Amajuba in 1881.

We led our horses to the opening of the kloof, and then galloped into
camp under the thundering noise of the shells that the enemy were
firing at us from the distance. There was no control possible among the
burghers. Each one loaded his horse with whatever he could lay his hands
on, and there was no thought of following up the retreating enemy. They
did not leave us undisturbed in our glory, but aimed lyddite at us,
which had the desired effect, that we in our disorder did not storm the
front positions, but retreated in the direction of our camp, a quarter
of a mile in among the trees. There Veld-Kornet Klaassen ordered his men
to off-saddle and give the horses a rest. Meanwhile the camp was burnt,
flames arose in all directions, and thousands of cartridges exploded.

After we had watered our horses in a neighbouring spruit we lay down to
rest. But ere long General De la Rey came galloping into our midst with
a lash in his hand, calling to us whether we were not ashamed to lie
there doing nothing, instead of following up our advantage now that we
had the chance, when otherwise the enemy would ill-treat our women and
children and burn down our homes. One of our corporals rather
impertinently informed De la Rey that he served under another General,
and would obey no orders but his. De la Rey thereupon rode up to him and
gave him a heavy cut with his lash. I went up to the General, and told
him that we were quite willing to fight, and had only off-saddled for a
rest by order of our Field-Cornet. In his rage he lifted his lash, but,
recognising me, lowered it again. If I had aimed at getting a cut from
him, I might have called out like the Dutch farmers, who got a box on
the ear from Peter the Great for pressing too closely upon him while he
was building ships at Zaandam: 'I have had one too! I have had one too!'
We then rode with the General to the burnt camp. The enemy had not found
the game worth the candle, and had saved their shell for a more
favourable occasion.

One can imagine De la Rey's indignation when he saw that waggons,
provisions, and ammunition were nearly all burnt. He pointed out to us
how ammunition and guns were required on every side. General Beyers,
whom we met there, excused himself by explaining that he had ordered
only those things to be burnt that we did not require. We then rode to
the other positions on the opposite side of the camp, but the enemy were
in full flight, followed by an occasional burgher.

I do not consider myself able to criticise the manner in which our
officers organized this battle. But it was easy to see that a great
mistake had been made. We had much to be thankful for, but the result
might have been more advantageous to us. The whole camp with all its
cannon should have been taken with a smaller loss than eighty men killed
and wounded.

I do not know the number of the enemy's killed and wounded. If our first
attack had been made unanimously and unexpectedly, we could easily have
crushed the enemy. The prisoners, as usual, pretended that they knew all
about our plans, but why, then, were their reinforcements too late, or,
rather, why did they never arrive? When General De la Rey organizes an
attack, and his instructions are well carried out, the burghers have so
much confidence in him, and like him so well, in spite of, or perhaps
because of his violent temper, that they never have any doubt as to his
ultimate success.

The prisoners were released. In my presence they were always well
treated, and I have seen many khaki prisoners who have never on any
occasion been ill-treated.




XII

PAARDEKRAAL DAY--BATTLE IN THE MOAT--ATTACK ON KAALFONTEIN STATION

From Onuapadnek our lagers went to the farm Rietfontein, near
Witwatersrandjes, where we celebrated Paardekraal Day on December
16--under sad circumstances, alas!

Ds. Kriel, who constantly accompanied us in the most self-denying
manner, in all our battles and on all our long journeys, led us in
prayer that day. Halfway up the kopje, which we climbed in most solemn
earnest, he offered up a prayer to God, and then impressed upon us the
importance of the occasion. On the top of the kopje he held a short
service. It reminded me of that which my own father held for the
assembled burghers at Paardekraal in 1880. How true and faithful he was
in his position as preacher to the fighting men, and how well he served
his adopted country!

After General De la Rey, Smuts, Kemp, and Mr. Naude had all addressed
us, Ds. Kriel read out a document in which was expressed, in a few
words, the purpose each one of us should attach to his contribution of a
stone towards the monument to be erected there. He exhorted the burghers
not to add a stone to the pile unless they fully understood and were in
earnest about its meaning. So the old covenant was renewed in a
different place under different circumstances and in a different manner
from the Paardekraal Day of former years, and when the burghers
descended from the kopje they were strengthened by the renewing of an
ancient pledge in their resolution to fight to the last for their
country and their people.

The place where the monument was erected was called Ebenhaezer.

Between the Magalies Mountains and the Witwatersranden stretches a long
valley called the Moat. In the centre runs a gray ridge or rand,
parallel to the mountains, and rising into kopjes to the east, near
Hekpoort. Thither our commando moved a few days later to meet the
enemy, who were approaching from Commandonek, most probably with
revengeful intentions. The Moat was well provided with corn, and asked
for our protection. We stayed over a day on the gray ridge. When the
enemy advanced towards us on the day following, General De la Rey had
taken up his position near Nooitgedacht, and so formed the left wing.
Commandant Kemp, with his men, was at the south on the foot of the
ridge, and Veld-Kornet van Tender, with a small troop of
Zoutpansbergers, was on the first kopje, while General Beyers, with the
Waterbergers and Zoutpansbergers held the right wing to the west of
Hekpoort, in Witwatersrand. The whole of that forenoon the enemy were
ready to attack us, and we waited calmly. Towards afternoon their left
wing moved towards the first kopje, beyond the reach of the
Zoutpansbergers, who were on the Witwatersranden near Hekpoort. They
began firing at the position of Veld-Kornet Van Tonder, and when he fell
mortally wounded his Zoutpansbergers were obliged to retire from the
kopje.

Our Veld-Kornet, Kruger, a fine, brave fellow, then led twenty-five of
our men towards Hekpoort, to try and stop the enemy in their forward
movement. As Malherbe, my brother, and I were among the twenty-five, I
cannot tell what happened to De la Rey on the other side of the gray
ridge. We pressed too far forward, and soon had to retreat some
distance. Our Veld-Kornet stayed behind with a few of us, on a small
rise, while our horses were taken some 300 paces further back, and the
rest of our little troop rode in the direction of Hekpoort. The enemy
already occupied the first kopje, and were firing at us from a distance.
We quickly made an entrenchment of stones and lay waiting. But our
people were retreating from the other kopjes, and we had to get to our
horses as quickly as possible. A few cowardly burghers on the ridge took
us for khakies and fired at us. Then I experienced the difference
between the aim of Boer and khaki. The latter's bullets always flew far
above our heads, but the former's fell terribly close to us.

As yet we had retired in good order, but soon we fled in a panic. The
enemy had come from Krugersdorp in very large numbers, and already
occupied the high Witwatersranden behind us.

Whoever has an incapable horse had better hide in a ditch or behind a
wall along with the poor, frightened women. More than once I have seen
poor frightened women holding their crying children by the hand, and
seeking a hiding-place near their houses during a battle. It is indeed a
tragic sight!--we men, with our weapons in our hands, not able to defend
them at such a time. And then a great feeling of shame came upon us.
These same women had only the day before called down God's blessing upon
us, and now they cried to us to hurry, or we would be surrounded.

We rode at a flying gallop for fully half an hour--along the Magalies
Mountains, between the Witwatersranden and the many smaller banks, while
to the left the enemy were descending and firing at us. The Waterbergers
and Zoutpansbergers, who learnt later than we did that the enemy were
surrounding us, would all have been taken prisoners had they not forced
their way bravely through thick and thin. As far as we can tell, our
loss was, fortunately, only one killed.

At the Manharen, a peculiar kind of kopje, we halted, but had to
retreat further towards evening.

Beyers' commando moved in the direction of Gatsrand, but had to turn to
Zwartruggens, near Rustenburg, when it reached the farm Modderfontein,
where we celebrated Christmas. The enemy was constantly at our heels,
and made things hot for us; we often had to hurry most inconveniently
not to be surrounded or cut off. We got a few days' rest on the farm
Vlakhoek. We were camped near a small stream, and went from there to the
different farms in search of the first fruit of the season.

On New Year's Eve General Beyers' commando moved on the wide hard
Krugersdorp road. The bullock waggon lager had been left behind, as it
prevented us from moving as quickly as was sometimes necessary. The
burghers still longed to attack Krugersdorp, and on New Year's Eve, as
we moved fast in the direction of the town, our hearts were cheered by
the thought of Jameson's failure, when five years ago he passed along
the same road in his notorious Raid. We all hoped to add an immortal
page to the annals of our history on the following New Year's Day. But
we were sadly disappointed in our expectations. The Jameson Raid was not
avenged, and we celebrated New Year's Day calmly and peacefully at
Cyferbult, on Pretorius' farm, with milie-pap (maize meal porridge) and
beef and--green fruit!

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Fidel and Che: a revolutionary friendship
Articles published by guardian.co.uk Books

Despite red faces over its fictional content, the Holocaust memoir that impressed Oprah Winfrey is still to be published
When Argentinian doctor Che Guevara and Cuban lawyer Fidel Castro met in Mexico City, it was the beginning of a friendship that would change the world. Simon Reid-Henry talks about the contrasting personalities of the leading men in his groundbreaking dual biography, Fidel and Che

Obituary: Donald Westlake

The disputed Holocaust memoir, written by Herman Rosenblat, which was dropped from Penguin Group's publication schedule at the end of December is now set to appear as a work of fiction.

Rosenblat's memoir - which Oprah Winfrey called "the single greatest love story" she had heard in two decades in television - recounted how as a teenage boy in a Nazi concentration camp, he was kept alive by the food which was thrown to him by a young girl, Roma Radzicky. Penguin's US imprint Berkley Books had planned to publish the story, which sees Rosenblat reunited with Radzicky on a blind date years later, as Angel at the Fence: the True Story of a Love That Survived, next month.

But a Holocaust historian said it would have been impossible to approach the fence in the Schlieben concentration camp to throw food over it, concluding that this part of the story was made-up. Berkley initially defended the book, saying it was a work of memory, but then decided to cancel its planned publication, and demanded the return of the advance it had made to Rosenblat. A $25m film based on the book, to be called The Flower of the Fence, is still going ahead, with production due to start this year.

Publisher York House Press based in White Plains, New York, has entered into a tentative agreement with the film production company to publish a novel based on the film script early this spring. It said the book would be "grounded in fact", and would rise "to the proper levels of artistic value, ethical conduct and social responsibility".

A spokesperson for York House Press condemned the attacks which were made on the 80-year-old Rosenblat after the veracity of his story was questioned, describing them as a "savage" response to what was otherwise "a credible, heart-wrenching, and verifiable account" of his time in the concentration camp.

"No deliberate untruth is permissible, but beneath any fabrication is motivation and intent. We believe Mr. Rosenblat's motivations were very human, understandable and forgivable," the spokesperson said. "It is beyond our expertise to know how Holocaust survivors cope with their trauma. Do they deny, try to forget, rationalise or fantasise and promote fiction along with truth? Perhaps the coping mechanisms are as individual as the survivors themselves."

The president of the company producing the film, Harris Salomon from Atlantic Overseas Productions, said the book, "regardless of its shortcomings", would "challenge, educate and enlighten" readers about the horrors of the Holocaust. "The documented fact, acknowledged by his critics, is that Herman is a survivor of concentration camps," he said.

But Rosenblat's agent, Andrea Hurst, said that neither she nor Rosenblat were involved with this version of his story. "Usually book rights from films come out after the movie is released," she told guardian.co.uk. "I think the timing on this is very insensitive."

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