Germany, The Next Republic? by Carl W. Ackerman

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"It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents
in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus,
not in enmity toward a people or with the desire to bring any injury or
disadvantage upon them, but only in armed opposition to an
irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of
humanity and of right and is running amuck.

"We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people,
and shall desire nothing so much as the early re-establishment of
intimate relations of mutual advantage between us--however hard it may
be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from
our hearts. We have borne with their present Government through all
these bitter months because of that friendship--exercising a patience
and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.

"We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship
in our daily attitude and actions toward the millions of men and women
of German birth and native sympathy who live amongst us and share our
life, and we shall be proud to prove it toward all who are in fact
loyal to their neighbours and to the Government in the hour of test.
They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had
never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to
stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a
different mind and purpose.

"If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand
of stern repression; but if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it
only here and there, and without countenance, except from a lawless and
malignant few.

"It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Congress,
which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be,
many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful
thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most
terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilisation itself seeming to be
in the balance.

"But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the
things which we have always carried nearest our hearts--for democracy,
for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their
own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a
universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall
bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last
free.

"To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything
that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who
know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her
blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and
happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she
can do no other."

After this speech was printed in Germany, first in excerpts and then as
a whole in a few papers, there were three distinct reactions:

1. The Government press and the circles controlled by the Army
published violent articles against President Wilson and the United
States.

2. The democratic press led by the _Vorwaerts_ took advantage of
Wilson's statements to again demand election reforms.

3. Public feeling generally was so aroused that the official _North
German Gazette_ said at the end of a long editorial that the Kaiser
favoured a "people's kingdom of Hohenzollern."

The ammunition interests were among the first to express their
satisfaction with America as an enemy. The _Rheinische Westfaelische
Zeitung_, their official graphophone, said:

"The real policy of America is now fully disclosed by the outbreak of
the war. Now a flood of lies and insults, clothed in pious
phraseology, will descend on us. This is a surprise only to those who
have been reluctant to admit that America was our enemy from the
beginning. The voice of America does not sound differently from that
of any other enemy. They are all tarred with the same brush--those
humanitarians and democrats who hurl the world into war and refuse
peace."

The _Lokal Anzeiger_, which is practically edited by the Foreign
Office, said President Wilson's attempt to inveigle the German people
into a revolt against the dynasty beats anything for sheer hypocrisy in
the records of the world.

"We must assume that President Wilson deliberately tells an untruth.
Not the German Government but the German race, hates this Anglo-Saxon
fanatic, who has stirred into flame the consuming hatred in America
while prating friendship and sympathy for the German people."

The _Lokal Anzeiger_ was right when it said the German people hated
America. The _Lokal Anzeiger_ was one of the means the Government used
to make the German people hate the United States.

The _North German Gazette_, which prints only editorials dictated, or
authorised by, the Secretary of State, said:

"A certain phrase in President Wilson's speech must be especially
pointed out. The President represents himself as the bearer of true
freedom to our people who are engaged in a severe struggle for their
existence and liberty. What slave soul does he believe exists in the
German people when it thinks that it will allow its freedom to be meted
out to them from without? The freedom which our enemies have in store
for us we know sufficiently.

"The German people, become clearsighted in war, and see in President
Wilson's word nothing but an attempt to loosen the bonds between the
people and princes of Germany so that we may become an easier prey for
our enemies. We ourselves know that an important task remains to us to
consolidate our external power and our freedom at home."

But the mask fell from the face of Germany which she shows the outside
world, when the Kaiser issued his Easter proclamation promising
election reforms after the war. Why did the Kaiser issue this
proclamation again at this time? As early as January, 1916, he said
the same thing to the German people in his address from the throne to
the Prussian Diet. Why did the Kaiser feel that it was necessary to
again call the attention of the people to the fact that he would be a
democrat when the war was over? The Kaiser and the German army are
clever in dealing with the German people. If the Kaiser makes a
mistake or does something that his army does not approve it can always
be remedied before the mistake becomes public.

Last Fall a young German soldier who had been in the United States as a
moving picture operator was called to the General Staff to take moving
pictures at the front for propaganda purposes. One week he was ordered
to Belgium, to follow and photograph His Majesty. At Ostend, the
famous Belgian summer resort, the Kaiser was walking along the beach
one day with Admiral von Schroeder, who is in command of the German
defences there. The movie operator followed him. The soldier had been
following the Kaiser several days so His Majesty recognised him,
ordered him to put up his camera and prepare to make a special film.
When the camera was ready His Majesty danced a jig, waved his sceptre
and then his helmet, smiled and shouted greetings to the camera
man--then went on along the beach.

When the photographer reached Berlin and showed the film to the censors
of the General Staff they were shocked by the section of the Kaiser at
Ostend. They ordered it cut out of the film because they did not think
it advisable to show the German people how much their Emperor was
enjoying the war!

The Kaiser throughout his reign has posed as a peace man although he
has been first a soldier and then an executive. So when the Big War
broke out the Kaiser had a chance to make real what had been play for
him for forty years. Is it surprising then that he should urge the
people to go on with the war and promise them to reform the government
when the fighting was over?

The Kaiser's proclamation itself shows that the Kaiser is not through
fighting.

"Never before have the German people proved to be so firm as in this
war. The knowledge that the Fatherland is fighting in bitter self
defence has exercised a wonderful reconciling power, and, despite all
sacrifices on the battlefield and severe privations at home, their
determination has remained imperturbable to stake their last for the
victorious issue."

Could any one except a soldier who was pleased with the progress of the
war have written such words?

"The national and social spirit have understood each other and become
united, and have given us steadfast strength. Both of them realise
what was built up in long years of peace and amid many internal
struggles. _This was certainly worth fighting for_," the Emperor's
order continued. "Brightly before my eyes stand the achievements of
the entire nation in battle and distress. The events of this struggle
for the existence of the empire introduce with high solemnity a new
time.

"It falls to you as the responsible Chancellor of the German Empire and
First Minister of my Government in Prussia to assist in obtaining the
fulfilment of the demands of this hour by right means and at the right
time, and in this spirit shape our political life in order to make room
for the free and joyful co-operation of all the members of our people.

"The principles which you have developed in this respect have, as you
know, my approval.

"I feel conscious of remaining thereby on the road which my
grandfather, the founder of the empire, as King of Prussia with
military organisation and as German Emperor with social reform,
typically fulfilled as his monarchial obligations, thereby creating
conditions by which the German people, in united and wrathful
perseverance, will overcome this sanguinary time. _The maintenance_ of
the _fighting force_ as a real people's army and the promotion of the
social uplift of the people in all its classes was, from the beginning
of my reign, my aim.

"In this endeavour, while holding a just balance between the people and
the monarchy to serve the welfare of the whole, I am resolved to begin
building up our internal political, economic, and social life as soon
as the war situation permits.

"While millions of our fellow-countrymen are in the field, the conflict
of opinions behind the front, which is unavoidable in such a
far-reaching change of constitution, must be postponed in the highest
interests of the Fatherland until the time of the homecoming of our
warriors and when they themselves are able to join in the counsel and
the voting on the progress of the new order."

It was but natural that the Socialists should hail this declaration of
the Kaiser's at first with enthusiasm.

"Internal freedom in Prussia--that is a goal for which for more than
one hundred years the best heads and best forces in the nation have
worked. Resurrection day of the third war year--will go down in
history as the day of the resurrection of old Prussia to a new
development," said the _Vorwaerts_.

"It has brought us a promise, to be sure; not the resurrection itself,
but a promise which is more hopeful and certain than all former
announcements together. This proclamation can never be annulled and
lapse into dusty archives.

"This message promises us a thorough reform of the Prussian three class
electoral system in addition to a reform of the Prussian Upper House.
In the coming new orientation the Government is only one factor,
another is Parliament, the third and decisive factor is the people."

Other Berlin newspapers spoke in a similar vein but not one of them
pointed out to the public the fact that this concession by the Kaiser
was not made in such a definite form, _until the United States had
declared war_. As the United States entered the war to aid the
democratic movement in Germany this concession by the Kaiser may be
considered our first victory.

As days go by it becomes more and more evident that the American
declaration of war is having an important influence upon internal
conditions in Germany just as the submarine notes had. The German
people really did not begin to think during this war until President
Wilson challenged them in the notes which followed the torpedoing of
the _Lusitania_. And now with the United States at war not only the
people but the Government have decided to do some thinking.

By April 12th when reports began to reach Germany of America's
determination to fight until there was a democracy in Germany the
democratic press began to give more serious consideration to Americans
alliance with the Allies. Dr. Ludwig Haas, one of the Socialist
members of the Reichstag, in an article in the Berlin _Tageblatt_ made
the following significant statements.

"One man may be a hypocrite, but never a whole nation. If the American
people accept this message [President Wilson's address before Congress]
without a protest, then a tremendous abyss separates the logic of
Germans from that of other nations.

"Woodrow Wilson is not so far wrong if he means the planning of war
might be prevented if the people asserted the right to know everything
about the foreign policies of their countries. But the President seems
blind to the fact that a handful of men have made it their secret and
uncontrolled business to direct the fate of the European democracies.
With the press at one's command one can easily drive a poor people to a
mania of enthusiasm, when they will carry on their shoulders the
criminals who have led to the brink of disaster."

[Illustration: "THE NEW OLD PRESIDENT. LONG LIVE AMERICA! LONG LIVE
PEACE! LONG LIVE THE AMMUNITION FACTORIES!"]

Dr. Haas was beginning to understand that the anti-American campaign in
Germany which the Navy started and the Foreign Office encouraged, had
had some effect.

Everything the United States does from now on will have a decisive
influence in the world war. The Allies realise it and Washington knows
it. Mr. Lloyd-George, the British Prime Minister, realised what a
decisive effect American ships would have, when he said at the banquet
of the American Luncheon Club in London:

"The road to victory, the guaranty of victory, the absolute assurance
of victory, has to be found in one word, 'ships,' and a second word,
'ships,' and a third word, 'ships.'"

But our financial economic and military aid to the Allies will not be
our greatest contribution towards victory. The influence of President
Wilson's utterances, of our determination and of our value as a
friendly nation after the war will have a tremendous effect as time
goes on upon the German people. As days and weeks pass, as the victory
which the German Government has promised the people becomes further and
further away, the people, who are now doing more thinking than they
ever have done since the beginning of the war, will some day realise
that in order to obtain peace, which they pray for and hope for, they
will have to reform their government _during the war_--not after the
war as the Kaiser plans.

Military pressure from the outside is going to help this democratic
movement in Germany succeed in spite of itself. The New York World
editorial on April 14th, discussing Mr. Lloyd-George's statement that
"Prussia is not a democracy; Prussia is not a state; Prussia is an
army," said:

"It was the army and the arrogance actuating it which ordered
hostilities in the first place. Because there was no democracy in
Prussia, the army had its way. The democracies of Great Britain and
France, like the democracy of the United States, were reluctant to take
arms but were forced to it. Russian democracy found its own
deliverance on the fighting-line.

"In the fact that Prussia is not a democracy or a state but an army we
may see a reason for many things usually regarded as inexplicable. It
is Prussia the army which violates treaties. It is Prussia the army
which disregards international law. It is Prussia the army,
represented by the General Staff and the Admiralty, which sets at
naught the engagements of the Foreign Office. It is Prussia the army
which has filled neutral countries with spies and lawbreakers, which
has placed frightfulness above humanity, and in a fury of egotism and
savagery has challenged the world.

"Under such a terrorism, as infamous at home as it is abroad, civil
government has perished. There is no civil government in a Germany
dragooned by Prussia. There is no law in Germany but military law.
There is no obligation in Germany except to the army. It is not
Germany the democracy or Germany the state, it is Germany the army,
that is to be crushed for its own good no less than for that of
civilisation."

The United States entered the war at the psychological and critical
moment. We enter it at the moment when our economic and financial
resources, and _our determination_ will have the decisive influence.
We enter at the moment when every one of our future acts will assist
and help the democratic movement in Germany succeed.

CHAPTER XII

PRESIDENT WILSON

The United States entered the war at a time when many Americans
believed the Allies were about to win it. By May 1st, 1917, the
situation so changed in Europe that it was apparent to observers that
only by the most stupendous efforts of all the Allies could the German
Government be defeated.

At the very beginning of the war, when Teutonic militarism spread over
Europe, it was like a forest fire. But two years of fighting have
checked it--as woodsmen check forest fires--by digging ditches and
preventing the flames from spreading. Unlimited submarine warfare,
however, is something new. It is militarism spreading to the high seas
and to the shores of neutrals. It is Ruthlessism--the new German
menace, which is as real and dangerous for us and for South America as
for England and the Allies. If we hold out until Ruthlessism spends
its fury, we will win. But we must fight and fight desperately to hold
out.

Dr. Kaempf, President of the Reichstag, declared that President Wilson
would "bite marble" before the war was over. And the success of
submarine warfare during April and the first part of May was such as to
arouse the whole world to the almost indefinite possibilities of this
means of fighting. The real crisis of the war has not been reached.
We are approaching it. The Allies have attempted for two years without
much success to curb the U-boat danger. They have attempted to build
steel ships, also without success, so that the real burden of winning
the war in Europe falls upon American shoulders.

Fortunately for the United States we are not making the blunders at the
beginning of our intervention which some of the European nations have
been making since August, 1914. America is awakened to the needs of
modern war as no other nation was, thanks to the splendid work which
the American newspapers and magazines have done during the war to
present clearly, fairly and accurately not only the great issues but
the problems of organisation and military tactics. The people of the
United States are better informed about the war as a whole than are the
people in any European country. American newspapers have not made the
mistakes which English and French journals made--of hating the enemy so
furiously as to think that nothing more than criticism and hate were
necessary to defeat him. Not until this year could one of Great
Britain's statesmen declare: "You can damn the Germans until you are
blue in the face, but that will not beat them."

* * * * * * * *

Professor Charles Gray Shaw, of New York University, stated before one
of his classes in philosophy that there was a new "will" typified in
certain of our citizens, notably in President Wilson.

"The new psychology," said Professor Shaw, "has discovered the new
will--the will that turns inward upon the brain instead of passing out
through hand or tongue. Wilson has this new will; the White House
corroborates the results of the laboratory. To Roosevelt, Wilson seems
weak and vacillating; but that is because T. R. knows nothing about the
new will. T. R. has a primitive mind, but one of the most advanced
type. In the T. R. brain, so to speak, will means set teeth, clenched
fist, hunting, and rough riding.

"Wilson may be regarded as either creating the new volition or as
having discovered it. At any rate, Wilson possesses and uses the new
volition, and it remains to be seen whether the political world, at
home and abroad, is ready for it. Here it is significant to observe
that the Germans, who are psychologists, recognize the fact that a new
and important function of the mind has been focused upon them.

"The Germans fear and respect the Wilson will of note writing more than
they would have dreaded the T. R. will with its teeth and fists."

As a psychologist Professor Shaw observed what we saw to be the effect
in Germany, of Mr. Wilson's will.

THE WILSON WILL

* * * * * * * *

The United States enters the greatest war in history at the
psychological moment with a capable and determined president, a united
nation and almost unlimited resources in men, money and munitions.

There is a tremendous difference between the situation in the United
States and that in any other European country. During the two years I
was in Europe I visited every nation at war except Serbia, Bulgaria and
Turkey. I saw conditions in the neutral countries of Holland, Denmark,
Switzerland and Spain. The one big thing which impressed me upon my
arrival in New York was that the United States, in contrast to all
these countries, has, as yet, not been touched by the war. Americans
are not living under the strain and worry which hang like dreadful dull
clouds over every European power. In Switzerland the economic worries
and the sufferings of the neighbouring belligerents have made the Swiss
people feel that they are in the centre of the war itself. In France,
although Paris is gay, although people smile (they have almost
forgotten how to smile in Germany), although streets are crowded, and
stores busy, the atmosphere is earnest and serious. Spain is torn by
internal troubles. There is a great army of unemployed. The submarine
war has destroyed many Spanish ships and interrupted Spanish trade with
belligerents. Business houses are unable to obtain credit. German
propaganda is sowing sedition and the King himself is uncertain about
the future. But in the United States there is a gigantic display of
energy and potential power which makes this country appear to possess
sufficient force in itself to defeat Germany. Berlin is drained and
dead in comparison. Paris, while busy, is war-busy and every one and
everything seems to move and live because of the war. In New York and
throughout the country there are young men by the hundreds of
thousands. Germany and France have no young men outside the armies.
Here there are millions of automobiles and millions of people hurrying,
happy and contented, to and from their work. In Germany there are no
automobiles which are not in the service of the Government and rubber
tires are so nearly exhausted that practically all automobiles have
iron wheels.

Some Americans have lived for many years with the idea that only
certain sections of the United States were related to Europe. Many
people, especially those in the Middle West, have had the impression
that only the big shipping interests and exporters had direct interests
in affairs across the ocean. But when Germany began to take American
lives on the high seas, when German submarines began to treat American
ships like all other belligerent vessels, it began to dawn upon people
here that this country was very closely connected to Europe by blood
ties as well as by business bonds. It has taken the United States two
years to learn that Europe was not, after all, three thousand miles
away when it came to the vital moral issues of live international
policies. Before Congress declared war I found many Americans
criticising President Wilson for not declaring war two years ago.
While I do not know what the situation was during my absence still the
impression which Americans abroad had, even American officials, was
that President Wilson would not have had the support of a united people
which he has to-day had he entered the war before all question of doubt
regarding the moral issues had disappeared.

[Illustration: THE AUTHOR'S CARD OF ADMISSION TO THE REICHSTAG ON APRIL
5TH, 1916.]

In the issue of April 14th of this year the _New Republic_, of New
York, in an editorial on "Who willed American participation?" cast an
interesting light upon the reasons for our intervention in the Great
War.

"Pacifist agitators who have been so courageously opposing, against
such heavy odds, American participation in the war have been the
victims of one natural but considerable mistake," says _The New
Republic_. "They have insisted that the chief beneficiaries of
American participation would be the munition-makers, bankers and in
general the capitalist class, that the chief sufferers would be the
petty business men and the wage-earners. They have consequently
considered the former classes to be conspiring in favour of war, and
now that war has come, they condemn it as the work of a small but
powerful group of profiteers. Senator Norris had some such meaning in
his head when he asserted that a declaration of war would be equivalent
to stamping the dollar mark on the American flag.

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