Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington
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Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington >> Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century
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_June 17, 1842._
* * * * *
_The Poor Law has worked well._
I was one of those who supported the poor law as it was introduced some
years ago by my noble and learned friend, and I did so on ascertaining
the inconveniences and evils which attended the system of working under
the old poor law up to that period; and being sensible that the only
remedy which could be found for those evils and inconveniences, was in
the measure proposed by my noble and learned friend. My lords, I have
since had the satisfaction of contemplating the working of the measure,
which then became the law of the land, and I must say that I have been
satisfied with its results. It has, undoubtedly, improved the condition
of the working classes, and it certainly does place on a better footing
the relations between the working classes and their employers. It has
enabled those who had the care of them to provide better for the aged
and destitute than has been hitherto the case; and it has, in general,
given satisfaction throughout the country. My lords, I don't mean to say
that I approve of every act that has been done in carrying this bill
into operation. I think that, in many cases, those who had charge of the
working of the bill have gone too far, and that there was no occasion
whatever for constructing buildings, such as have acquired throughout
the country the denomination of bastiles, and that it would have been
perfectly easy to have established very efficient workhouses without
shutting out all view of what was passing exterior to the walls. I say,
then, that in some respects, the system has been carried farther than it
ought to have been, and, I shall also say that its features have assumed
a harsher character in some parts of the country than was necessary; but
this has been owing, I must admit, in a great degree, to the adoption of
another law by parliament, I mean what is called the dissenters'
marriage act, the regulations depending on which were connected with the
execution of the poor law act, and rendered necessary the establishment
of unions in many parts of the country which were not yet ripe for the
formation of those unions. But, notwithstanding the circumstances to
which I have just now alluded, I must, in general, state my approbation
of the working of this act. I have paid great attention to the subject.
Wherever I have resided, I have attended the meetings of guardians of
unions in my neighbourhood; I have visited several workhouses in
different parts of England, and I must say that I never visited one in
which the management was not as good as could be expected in such
districts of the country, and which did not give universal satisfaction.
_July 26, 1842._
* * * * *
The government of Lord Melbourne carried on war all over the world with
a peace establishment. That is exactly what we (Sir Robert Peel's
government) do not.
_February 2, 1843._
* * * * *
_Real cause of the Chinese War_.
I was almost the only individual who stated that the real ground of
complaint against the Chinese government was its conduct towards the
person employed in the service of her majesty, and representing her
majesty in China. I was the only person in this house who defended her
majesty's servants. I said that the war was a just and necessary war. I
will go further, and say, if it had been otherwise--if it had been a war
solely on account of the robbery of the opium--if her majesty's
government were engaged in that war, and if their interests and honour
were involved in it, I should have considered it my duty to make every
effort for carrying it on with success, and have asked parliament for
the assistance which would have enabled her majesty's servants to bring
it to an early and successful termination.
* * * * *
_Eulogium on the Indian Army_.
My lords, I know something of that (Indian) army; I have served in its
ranks, and I know pretty well what its feelings are; and though there
are different castes and religions composing it, the discipline of that
army, and the military spirit by which it is actuated, totally do away
with all such distinctions. You will never hear in India of any
difference of caste or religion in that army, any more than you would in
the ranks of the British army. All do their duty,--all are animated by
the true feelings of soldiers.
_March 9, 1843._
* * * * *
_Evils of the Press in India._
The state of things in that country is one of much greater difficulty
now than when I was there, because there is now established in India
what is called a free press, but which I should make free to call a most
licentious press; and by referring to these papers your lordships will
see that the mischievous influence of that press is repeatedly
complained of. For my own part, I must own, I do not see how the
operations of war can be carried on in a satisfactory manner in India,
with such a press constantly exercising its influence, and connected
through its correspondents with every cantonment of the army.
_March 9, 1843._
* * * * *
_The Union must be maintained inviolate._
There can be no doubt of the intention of her majesty's government to
maintain the union inviolate; and it is the duty of every government,
and I will say it is the determination of her majesty's present
government, to maintain that union inviolate, and to come down to
parliament and call upon parliament to give her majesty's government its
support in carrying into execution any measures which may he considered
necessary to maintain the union inviolate, and to preserve from
turbulence the peace of her majesty's dominions.
_May 9, 1843._
* * * * *
_The House of Lords should disregard popular Clamour._
As to the remarks which are made on your lordships elsewhere, I am one
of those animadverted upon, and I am glad to find myself upon this
occasion in such extremely good company. For myself, I can only say that
I have been for a great number of years in the habit of treating such
criticisms and such assaults with the smallest possible attention; and I
shall continue to do my duty to the best of my ability, in the service
of my sovereign, or elsewhere, and continue to treat the language
referred to with as little attention as heretofore; and I recommend
noble lords on both sides of the house to follow my example in this
respect.
_May 15, 1843._
* * * * *
_Sees of St. Asaph and Bangor._
There can have been no object in the measure (the bill for the union of
the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor), but to make all the arrangements in
the manner most convenient to the country generally. There could have
been no desire to injure the dioceses of St. Asaph and Bangor, or any
other district in the kingdom; but the object was to make a better
distribution of the revenues of the church, and to satisfy the public of
a sincere desire to effect such a reformation as would be a real one,
and such as would give satisfaction, not only to those who were attached
to the church, as my noble friend and myself, but also to others who
looked upon it with indifference.
_May 23, 1843._
* * * * *
_The Duke of Sussex._
My lords, his late royal highness was well known to all your lordships.
His royal highness frequently took part in the discussion of those
subjects which came under your lordships' consideration; and although it
was impossible for every person endowed with such acquirements, and
possessed of such an understanding, as belonged to his late royal
highness, not to have felt strongly on the various events and questions
which from time to time were brought under the consideration of this
house, yet his late royal highness always treated those subjects,
however exciting they might have been, with much moderation, and with
great forbearance towards others with whom he might have a difference of
opinion. I must do his late royal highness the justice to say, that
though I had the unhappiness to differ from him in opinion on several
subjects which came under discussion in this house, yet, notwithstanding
that difference of opinion, his late royal highness ever treated me with
unvarying kindness, and with the utmost condescension. My lords, his
late royal highness having received the benefit of an excellent
education, and having in his youth passed a considerable portion of his
time in foreign countries, was a most accomplished man; and he continued
his studies, in all branches of literature and science, until almost the
latest period of his existence. His late royal highness was, during his
whole life, the protector of literature, of the sciences, and of the
arts, and of the professors and representives of all branches of
knowledge. For a number of years his late royal highness was elected
president of the Royal Society, and he received the learned members of
that body in his house with the greatest amenity and kindness. Having
himself sedulously cultivated all subjects of literature, science, and
art, his late royal highness was, I may say, the patron, protector, and
friend, of all those who pursued such studies, on every occasion when
that protection was necessary. But other praise belongs to his late
royal highness. His royal highness was not backward--on the contrary, he
was equally forward with all the princes of his family--as a patron and
upholder, as a supporter and protector, of the various charitable
institutions of this metropolis; and, my lords, up to the last moment of
his life, he was the friend of the indigent and the unfortunate wherever
they might be found.
_April 27, 1843._
* * * * *
_Reasons for the Dismissal of the Irish Magistrates._
These gentlemen having been some of the persons to instigate and
encourage the assembly of those large meetings in Ireland, on which the
first law authority had pronounced in writing the opinion that they had
a "tendency to outrage;" that "they were not in the spirit of the
constitution, and may become dangerous to the State;" the
lord-lieutenant of the government could not put any confidence in the
performance of their duties by these magistrates and deputy-lieutenants,
who had thus excited these meetings, or who presided at them. Your
lordships are perfectly aware that on one occasion it was proved that
these meetings had a tendency to outrage--indeed, outrage was actually
committed. I told your lordships on a former occasion that there was a
great difference in Ireland on the subject of the repeal of the union.
Now, suppose that two assemblies representing such opinions assemble on
the same occasion and in the same neighbourhood, why it is obvious that
outrage and bloodshed may occur, and it must be likewise obvious that
those magistrates and deputy-lieutenants are not officers on whom the
Lord-lieutenant can rely for carrying into execution measures for the
repression and suppression of outrage which he may think proper to take
on such an occasion. My lords I have besides to observe to your lordships,
that for a very considerable period of time it has been a matter of
notoriety in Ireland that the members of her Majesty's council, her
majesty's servants in this and the other house of arliament, declared it
to be the fixed and positive determination of the government to maintain
inviolate the legislative union between the two countries. Some of the
most distinguished members of both houses of parliament declared, in their
places, that they had the same intention; and this declaration of opinion
has been communicated to the public more than once; and in no one instance,
as I believe, has there been an intention avowed to promote the object of
this repeal of the union. Well, then, what must be inferred from the
notoriety of that fact? What but that the repeal of the union, so far as
a vote of parliament is concerned, is hopeless? It is to be carried then
by intimidation, by force, and violence; and, of course, as the government,
whose duty it is to resist and repress such acts of intimidation, force,
and violence, whenever they should be attempted, by all the means at their
disposal, cannot use such instruments as those who excite the people to
appear at their head, the lord-lieutenant and lord chancellor have taken
measures to remove them from the commission of the peace, and
deputy-lieutenancies of their several counties. This is the principle,
my lords, on which I conceive the government has acted.
_June 9, 1843._
* * * * *
After what passed in both houses of parliament it became a matter of
notoriety that the opinion of parliament was, that the legislative union
should not be repealed, and that every effort on the part of the
government should be made to resist the attempt to occasion that repeal.
Then, my lords, under these circumstances, the lord chancellor finds
Lord French and other magistrates calling meetings to repeal the union,
assisting at the meetings, presiding at them, and urging all the
proceedings. At this time the opinion of parliament was notorious, yet
meetings consisting of 10,000, 20,000, 100,000, no matter as to the
number of thousands, continued. My lords, I wish to know with what
object they were continued? Was it with a view to address parliament to
repeal the union? No, my lords, they were continued to obtain the
desired repeal of the union,--by terror, if possible,--if not, by force
and violence. And the persons calling these meetings, I beg your
lordships to observe, were the magistrates, the very men who must have
been employed by government to take measures to resist this violence, to
prevent breaches of the peace, to arrest those who should be guilty of
such breaches, and to bring them to justice; and then the noble lord
says, that the government ought not to have removed those magistrates
from their situations, and that they ought not to draw a distinction as
to the time when it became notorious to the whole world what were the
views entertained by parliament and the government on this important
question. My lords, in this and the other house of parliament, no one
would have any idea of repealing the union except in regular course,
like another act of parliament; but with these meetings of 50,000 and
60,000 men, was there any question of discussion? No, my lords, the
question was terror, force, and violence. That was the ground on which
the lord chancellor told these magistrates after the views of the
government had become notorious, you must be dismissed if you attend, or
excite others to attend, such meetings. I am as much concerned that this
state of affairs should exist as the noble lord can be; but of this I am
quite certain, that the way to be prepared is not to have in the service
of the government--not to have government dependant upon the exertions
of--a number of magistrates who have excited and encouraged these
proceedings, assisting at and presiding over these very meetings. That
could not have been desirable, and I say that the lord chancellor and
situation as that of governor-general of India, an officer who was so
for little more than two years--an officer who has given satisfaction in
so high a situation to those by whom he was intrusted and
employed--whose acts have been concurred in and sanctioned in every
instance; to recall that officer suddenly, making no provision for the
performance of the great duties which are to be performed, and which
must he performed in that country--to recall an officer in whom the
government fully confided, without the concurrence of that
government--is, my lords, an act, to say the least of it, that cannot be
called a discreet exercise of the power which is conferred on those who
have so used it. My lords, I will say nothing--- I will advert to
nothing that is not notorious--that is not strictly in reference to the
act of parliament. I beg your lordships to observe, that the body which
did this act--which I must call an act of indiscretion, at least--that
body, as a body, has no knowledge whatever of the instructions sent out
to the governor-general, and under which he acted. They stated reasons
for withdrawing the governor-general from India; but, as a body (except
the secret committee appointed under the act of parliament), they had no
knowledge whatever of the instructions under which the governor-general
acted, or of the events which had taken place in that country, except
that which is within the general knowledge of this and the other house
of parliament, and the whole public of this country. And yet, my lords,
they take this responsibility upon themselves--having no knowledge of
the instructions which it was deemed at Waterloo. Very possibly not, my
lords. Bear in mind what he said in respect to the augmentation of his
numbers, and the means of assembling those persons. He said on one
occasion, that by the post of one night, he could collect the whole of
this force in different parts of the country; and it is perfectly
true,--I have not a doubt of the fact.
_July 14, 1843._
* * * * *
_Remedial Measures of no avail whilst Agitation continues in Ireland._
My lords, I must say, that grieved as I am that there should be so much
truth in the representations made by the noble lord of the existing
state of the country, and of its prospects, threatened as they are by
the continuance of agitation, I must say, that no measure that could be
proposed, no new measure which could be adopted, would have the smallest
effect in removing any of these evils or inconveniences. My lords, the
only mode, the only course to be adopted on the part of the government,
is to oppose a strong resistance to everything like a breach of the
peace or public order, and to be prepared, as I hope they are prepared,
to enforce measures for preserving quiet, and protecting property, in
Ireland. My lords, I know of no remedy but that for the state of affairs
which exists at present; particularly as it appears that whether the
peace of the country shall be disturbed or not, depends on the will of
one man, and his influence over the wills and actions of some thousands,
who possess influence in various parishes of the country.
_July 14, 1843._
* * * * *
_Agitation no Relief for the Poverty of Ireland._
My lords, it certainly is true that there is in Ireland a vast number of
poor. I have been sorry to see that it is stated in some returns on the
table, that there are as many as 2,000,000 of poor in Ireland. My lords,
it happens unfortunately, that in all parts of the empire there are
poor; but I will beg to observe, that it is not in the power of this
government, nor of any government, nor of any parliament, in the course
of a few weeks, or a few months, or, I may say, a few years, to relieve
the poverty of a great country like that, extending as it does to such a
portion of the population. But, my lords, I beg to know whether poverty
can be relieved by this description of agitation for the repeal of the
union? Is poverty relieved by marches of twenty-five and thirty Irish
miles a-day, during the period of spring and summer, to hear seditious
speeches? Is poverty relieved by subscriptions of thousands of pounds to
the repeal rent, and the O'Connell rent, and other funds of that
description? No, my lords, that poverty must be relieved by a
perseverance in industry and sobriety; not taken up by fits and starts
for the sake of a more orderly appearance at seditious meetings, where
the people are marshalled by bands of music and flying colours. The
evils, whence that poverty proceeds, are not to be cured in a day. The
remedies must be some time in operation; and all I can say is, that the
government are sincerely desirous to avail themselves of every
opportunity that may tend to benefit the people of Ireland, and to
relieve that poverty of which the noble lord so eloquently complains.
_July 14, 1843._
* * * * *
_Assistance of Foreigners to the Repeal Agitation.--Their Anti-English
Motives._
My lords, I do not dispute the extent of the conspiracy--I do not
dispute the dangers resulting from organization in Ireland--I have
stated it publicly on more than one occasion--I do not deny it--it is
notorious, it is avowed, it is published in every paper all over the
world. I do not deny the assistance received from foreigners, not from
foreign governments,--I have no right to say so,--but from foreigners of
nearly all nations; for there are disturbed and disturbing spirits
everywhere, who are anxious to have an opportunity of injuring and
deteriorating the great prosperity of this country.
_August 8, 1843._
* * * * *
_The Military in readiness to preserve the Peace in Ireland._
I, whose duty it is to superintend one of those offices on which the
execution of the measures of the government depends, feel confident that
everything that can be done has been done, in order to enable the
government to preserve the peace of the country, and to meet all
misfortunes and consequences which may result from the violence of the
passions of those men who unfortunately guide the multitude in Ireland.
_August 8, 1843._
* * * * *
_Mr. O'Connell's Proceedings._
To plunder the public in Ireland of money for the purpose of O'Connell
rent, or repeal contribution, or the lord lieutenant would not have done
their duty if they had not removed those persons from her majesty's
service.
_July 14, 1845._
* * * * *
_The "Monster" Meetings in Ireland._
The noble lord (the Marquis of Clanricarde) has stated that these
meetings were not illegal. I certainly do not consider myself competent
to decide whether they were or were not illegal. This I know, that they
consist of very large numbers--whether of 10,000 or 100,000 I am sure I
cannot tell, and I do not believe any man can tell to a certainty. They
are assembled in very large numbers, regularly organised, marching under
the lead of persons on horseback, with bands and banners, in regular
military array. After having attended these meetings, those present are
dispersed by word of command, without trouble, violence, or breach of
the peace, and march back, perhaps twenty or thirty miles. * * * My
lords, I have had some experience, in the course of a long life, which I
have passed in the service of the sovereigns of this country, of
revolutions. A distinguished author has written of the French
revolution. "_On ne conspire pas sur la place_." There is no secret in
these transactions, and the reason why there is no secret is this, that
the great means of operation are deception of their followers, and
terror in respect of their adversaries. Accordingly, we hear a learned
gentleman exclaiming to his audience, "Napoleon had not in Russia such
an army as this is; the Duke of Wellington had not such a one repeal of
those laws upon which the reformation in this country has been founded.
My lords, I have already taken opportunities of warning your lordships
against the assertion of such doctrines in this house, and I must again
express a hope that you will observe and beware how they are introduced
into it, because you may rely upon it, that there is not an individual
in this country, be his religious opinions what they may, be his
position what it may, who is not interested in the maintenance of the
reformation. Not only our whole system of religion, but our whole system
of religious toleration, in which so many people in this country are
interested, depends upon the laws upon which the reformation was
founded; and I therefore entreat your lordships to give no encouragement
to doctrines that might induce a belief that there exists in this house
any indifference upon the subject of those laws.
_March 18, 1844._
* * * * *
_The Compact entered into for the Maintenance of the Protestant Church
in Ireland should be held sacred._
The Protestant church in Ireland has existed in that country for a
period of nearly three hundred years, and was maintained in that country
during a century of contests, rebellions, and massacres; and during a
contest for the possession of the crown, the Protestants of that country
encountered that contest, and kept possession of their church; and
during another century it was maintained through much opposition, and
under difficulties of all descriptions. At the period of the union, the
parliament--who had the power to consent to the union, or to refuse
their consent--stipulated that the Protestant church in Ireland should
be maintained, and maintained on the same footing as the Protestant
church of England in this country. The parliament had, under the
auspices of the king of this country, the power of either making or not
making that compact. Your lordships entered into that compact with the
parliament of Ireland, and I entreat you never to lose sight of the
fact. I entreat you not to suffer yourselves to be prevailed upon to
make any alteration in, or to depart in the slightest degree from, the
terms of that compact, so long as you intend to maintain the union
between this country and Ireland. It is the foundation upon which the
union rests,--it is a compact which you have entered into with the
parliament of Ireland, and from which you cannot depart without being
guilty of a breach of faith, worse than those which have been referred
to in other countries,--worse than those pecuniary breaches of faith
which have been alluded to in the course of the discussion which took
place in your lordships' house this evening upon another subject. I
entreat you to listen to none of those petitions or speeches which tend
to the injury or the destruction of the church in Ireland. Do what may
be necessary,--do what it may be proper to do, in order to render that
church more beneficial to the people of that country; but I entreat you
to adhere strictly, in spirit and according to the letter, to the
compact you have made, and not permit it to be supposed in any quarter
whatever that you entertain the most distant intention of departing, in
the slightest degree, from that arrangement.
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