Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington

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_August 7, 1840._

* * * * *

_The Duke of Wellington not a War Minister._

No noble lord nor any other man that I know has done half so much for
the preservation of peace, and above all, for the pacification and the
maintenance of the honour of France and for the settlement of all
questions in which the interests of France were involved, as the
individual who is addressing your lordships. From the period of the year
1814, down to the last month of my remaining in the service of the king,
I did everything in my power for the strengthening and preservation of
the peace of Europe, and more particularly for the maintaining and
keeping up the best understanding between England and France. I repeat,
that I have done more than any one else to place France in the situation
in which she ought to be in the councils of Europe, from a firm
conviction,--which I feel now as strongly as I ever did,--that if France
is not, then there is no necessity for the preservation of the peace of
Europe, or for a sound decision on any subject of general policy. I am
sure that the noble viscount would find, if he would take the trouble to
search the archives of the government, papers written by me shortly
before I went out of office in 1830, that would fully justify the
assertion which I have just made. I am sure that those who were in
office with me were as anxious for the preservation of the peace of
Europe as any politicians, be they liberals or otherwise. They were as
anxious for the preservation of a good understanding between France and
this country, and that France should be on a perfectly good
understanding with all the powers of Europe, and that she should take
the station which becomes her in the rank of nations, and which her
power, her wealth, and her resources entitle her to.

_January 26, 1841._

* * * * *

_The Capture of Acre, the greatest deed of modern times._

I have had a little experience in services of this nature, and I think
it my duty to warn your lordships on this occasion, that you must not
always expect that ships, however well commanded, or however gallant
their seamen may be, are capable of commonly engaging successfully with
stone walls. I have no recollection, in all my experience, except the
recent instance on the coast of Syria, of any fort being taken by the
ships, excepting two or three years ago, when the fort of St. Jean
d'Alloa was captured by the French fleet. That is, I think, the single
instance that I recollect; though I believe that something of the sort
occurred at the siege of Havannah, in 1763. The present achievement I
consider one of the greatest deeds of modern times. That is my opinion,
and I give the highest credit to those who performed such a service. It
was altogether a most skillful proceeding. I was greatly surprised at
the small number of men that were lost on board the fleet; and, on
inquiring how it happened, I discovered that it was because the vessels
were moored within one-third of the ordinary distance. The guns of the
fortress were intended to strike objects at a greater distance, and the
consequence was, that the shot went over the ships that were anchored at
one-third of the usual distance. By that means they sustained not more
than one-tenth of the loss which they would otherwise have experienced.
Not less than 500 pieces of ordnance were directed against the walls;
and the precision with which the fire was kept up, the position of the
vessels, and lastly the blowing up of the large magazine, all aided in
achieving this great victory in so short a time. I thought it right to
say this much, because I wished to warn your lordships against your
supposing such deeds as this could be effected every day. I repeat, that
this is a singular instance, in the achievement of which great skill was
undoubtedly manifested, but which is also connected with peculiar
circumstances which you could not hope always to occur. It must not,
therefore, be expected as a matter of course, that all such attempts in
future must necessarily succeed.

_February 4, 1841._

* * * * *

_A blow at the Reformation._

There is no doubt that that body (the Roman Catholic seminary of St.
Sulpice) was made a corporation by means of that ordinance, yet until
that property had been legally vested in them by the ordinance, they had
no legal right whatever to it. * * * I was very much struck, I must
confess, when first I read the petition and the ordinance relating to
this subject; I was very much struck by the total departure it evinced
from the principle of the reformation; a principle untouched up to this
present moment. And I entreat your lordships, whatever you may think on
the subject of this ordinance or other questions--I entreat the
attention of your lordships and of the British public to this, that this
ordinance was the first blow openly struck by authority at the
principles of the reformation; principles hitherto upheld, particularly
throughout Canada, from the period of the conquest down to the present
moment. I felt strongly on this point the moment I saw the petition and
the ordinance, and I still continue to feel strongly on the subject,
since I have heard the right reverend prelate state that it was the
governor-general, not a member of the legislative council, but the
governor-general of the province who brought forward this measure,
acting on the part of the queen, whose rights, interests, and
prerogative it was his duty to protect, and which he should have
protected in the legislative council.

_March 5, 1841._

* * * * *

_Australia._

It would be much the best plan to put an end to all the Australian
commissioners, to whom allusion is made in the bill before your
lordships, altogether. A worse system was never adopted for the
management of a colony. We ought to place that colony in the same
position as the other colonies under the government of her majesty, and
rule it in the usual way by the Colonial Office. I disapprove of these
commissions altogether.

_April 30, 1841._

* * * * *

_Evils of Reduced Establishments._

It was stated that the British were expelled from Canton on the 5th of
May. I, however, infer from what took place, that the British were
obliged to retire at the end of March. Looking to the events of the
present year, they appear to me to be exceedingly unsatisfactory. And to
what, I would ask, is this owing? It appears to me that this state of
things is to be attributed to improper advice. The interests of the
country in various parts of the world, have not been properly protected.
If there is not a general war, we are placed in a situation that tends
to it; and this arises from our having reduced our establishments far
below what they ought to be, even in a time of peace. This was the true
cause of the present state of things in China, and of delay and
consequent misfortune elsewhere; and I much fear that circumstances will
occur to cause still further regret at the course that has been adopted
with respect to our establishments. I told ministers so at the time they
were making those reductions in 1837. I stated to them then that they
were not taking such care of our establishments as would enable them, in
the event of war, to contend with success against our enemies. The
reduction of our establishments has been pursued in different parts of
the world, where we are engaged at present, and now we see the
consequence.

_April 29, 1841._

* * * * *

_Poor Law Commissioners must be made to do their duty._

I voted for the Irish poor law bill, and proposed amendments, which, I
believe, induced your lordships to pass the bill. I am sure that those
amendments had the effect of inducing others to approve of that bill,
who would not have done so if those amendments had not been introduced.
I did all this on the faith and assurance, not only of the house and
the government, but of those gentlemen themselves, that it would be
carried into execution in Ireland, with the same strictness and fairness
as it was in this country. In this expectation I have been altogether
disappointed, and for this reason I am determined, when I get the other
papers, to read every line of them, and probe the matter to the bottom,
in order to see where the mischief lies. But recollect there is not only
this case, but several other cases before your lordships, in every one
of which there is corruption. We cannot stop here with the resolutions
of my noble friend. The Clonmel case is a very gross case. The noble
lord opposite has told us that the office can be but of little
importance, as the salary is only 10l. to 30l. a-year; but see what
power the office gives. In this very case let your lordships see what
happened next day, when the brother-in-law of this individual was
appointed valuator, a situation which puts the property of every man, in
some degree, in his power. We must go deeper into this question, if we
wish to do justice to Ireland, and to the gentlemen who hold property in
that country. We must take care that their property shall not be left at
the disposal of such miscreants, and we must make the poor law
commissioners do their duty. I cannot think of asking him any question
on the subject, for it was sufficient for him to know that he was the
nephew of a person called the archbishop, to be satisfied of his
fitness.

* * * * *

It would be mere stuff to stop here; the persons on whom the house must
call are the poor law commissioners themselves. Let them be taught to
feel it their duty to keep a correct record of their proceedings, which
they shall be ready to produce at any time that the house or the
government may call for them. Let them be taught to feel that the house
will not permit such conduct as this, and we shall soon see an end to
such abuses as those out of which the resolution of my noble friend
arises.

_May 3, 1841._

* * * * *

_Why Corn Laws were imposed._

These laws (corn laws) were not invented, nor have they been maintained,
for the purpose of keeping high rents in the pockets of noble lords, but
they were invented and have been supported for the purpose of
maintaining and supporting agriculture, and of maintaining this country
independent of all other countries and parts of the world; and it is
also perfectly true, as stated by my noble friend behind me, that such
has been the policy of England for centuries, sometimes by one mode, and
sometimes by another; sometimes by imposing protective duties when corn
rose above certain prices, and sometimes by giving bounties, and
occasionally very large bounties, on the exportation of corn. But
whatever has been the means, the object has always been to support the
agriculture of the country, in order to render this country, in respect
of its subsistence, independent of other nations. This was the object of
the improved system introduced in the year 1828; this was the object of
those principles which have been maintained ever since; at least it was
the principle on which I gave those laws my support, and on which I more
than once asked your lordships to render this country dependent only on
itself for subsistence. This was the object of the corn laws, and not
that dirty object which has been imputed to your lordships--and which, I
must say, it is too bad to impute to your lordships--of obtaining large
rents from your land. It is also perfectly true, as has been stated by
my noble friend behind me, that there is not a country of Europe in
which corn laws do not at this moment exist; but, nevertheless, I
suppose if it were proposed to repeal these laws, and adopt the measures
recommended by the petitioners, your lordships would be told of the
quantities of corn that might be had from Russia and from Prussia, and
other parts of the world. But are there no corn laws in those countries?
Has the noble earl heard of no laws prohibiting all exportation of corn
to other countries? That fact alters the whole state of the question of
corn laws in this country. The effect of such a state of things would be
most serious if there came a bad season here and there, too. Then,
again, has the noble lord not heard of the high duties imposed on the
exportation of corn from those countries during the late wars? Have not
your lordships got evidence before some of the committees--have you not
got letters from some merchants at Dantzic to one of those governments
on the subject of the prices of corn in England, and on the rate of
duties imposed at that port? and was it not stated that the increased
price obtained from England might be expected to enable those merchants
to pay the duties imposed by their government on exportation? Let it be
observed, that I do not blame the sovereign to whom I allude for
imposing those duties--I should not have blamed him if it had been an
act of war, whereas it was a mere measure of finance. I do not say, that
I agree with him in his notions of protection; but I say, that when I
consider it a question of protection, that sovereign is not to be
blamed, and that his object was like that of your lordships, to secure
the subsistence of his subjects, and not to cause a rise of rents.

_May 7, 1841._

* * * * *

_The Corn Laws._

The first man who brought forward those opinions (Adam Smith) which I
have read as well as noble lords opposite, made an exception upon this
very subject. He excepted corn from the doctrines he laid down as to all
the other articles of trade. In relation to the subsistence of the
people he says, that we must always take care to ensure that subsistence
within the country itself--and accordingly he excepts corn from the
several doctrines which he lays down. I confess I have heard nothing
during these discussions to alter my opinion, that the corn laws which
were adopted almost unanimously in 1828, have perfectly answered the
purposes for which they were intended, and have kept the prices as
steady as the nature of the commodity will allow. Yes, my lords, in this
country, when we have produced corn for our own subsistence, and it is
our object invariably to produce it, prices have been more steady than
in any other country of Europe. It it my opinion, on all these grounds,
that these laws have operated as successfully as any laws could have
done.

_May 11,1841._

* * * * *

_Agriculture and Manufactures._

I cordially concur in the feeling that the prosperity of the
agriculturist must depend on the general prosperity of the manufacturer,
and of commercial interests in general. There can be no doubt about
that, and then corn laws are supported, not with a view to the advantage
of any particular interest or class of men, but with a view to render
the whole country independent of foreign countries in respect of its
supply of food. I believe that all parts of the country, and every
individual resident in it, are interested in this subject.

_May 17, 1841._

* * * * *

_Cotton and Corn._

Allusion has been made to the increase in imports in cotton. It has been
said but small profits were made upon the manufacture of this immense
quantity of produce, but that appears to me to have no connection with
the question of the corn laws. The fact is, the improvements in the
machinery, and the introduction of steam, have enabled the manufacturers
to manufacture with very little cost. They do not make the profit now
they did fifty years ago; but they still make profits, although
diminished by competition--not by competition with the foreigner, but by
competition at home. Other manufacturers who were aware that profits
were to be made, although not so large as formerly, entered the field,
built new manufactories, established machinery, and thus introduced
fresh competition.

_May 25, 1841._

* * * * *

_Grounds of Complaint against the Whigs in_ 1841.

These grounds are neglect and mismanagement of the finances of this
country by her majesty's government, the future consequence of which, as
has been stated, it is impossible to foresee, and the improper,
impolitic and unconstitutional means which they took to recover
themselves. These things were proved by reference to the actual state of
the finances, when it was found necessary to review them in the last
parliament; and it was shewn that, in point of fact, after a period of
about five years, a debt had not alone been accumulated of five
millions, but there had also been a vast deficiency in the public
revenue. This debt and deficiency are to be attributed to the practice
adopted by her majesty's government of carrying on extensive operations,
of which nobody approves, mind you, more than I do when done as they
should be, and at the same time not making due provision for the
increased expenditure, occasioned by their carrying on war in several
places with a peace establishment, being the most crying of these evils,
and neglecting to employ the proper means for meeting the increased
charge, and putting an end to the impending danger. The next allegation
against them, my lords, is for not making financial provision in the way
of ways and means for the expense and charge incurred by the country
from the exertions made to put an end to the danger which menaced it. A
noble lord has stated that, though a large amount of army and ordnance
was kept on foot after 1831, no provision had been made for the
additional expenditure in the usual way of an application to parliament,
but that irregular and unconstitutional modes were adopted by her
majesty's government for finding means of defraying those expenses. In
this, my lords, my noble friend spoke but the simple truth. In one case
the whole charge of a war had been thrown on the East India Company, and
then converted into a debt on this country; in another the funds of the
savings' banks had been tampered with; in another the Exchequer bills
had been funded; and, in short, several most irregular modes has been
adopted. Then, my lords, what happened? Besides these expenses; besides
the failure of the government to make due provision by the mode of ways
and means to defray the charges incurred by their naval and military
operations; besides these, my lords, her majesty's government thought
proper to repeal a large amount of taxes, by which means they reduced
the revenue of the country to such a degree as materially and inevitably
left a most serious deficiency.

_August 24, 1841._

* * * * *

_Hasty adoption of Free Trade by the Whigs._

My lords, it is not more than fourteen months ago since I heard the
noble viscount (Melbourne) say,--making use of the strongest language I
ever heard in opposition to a motion merely for taking the corn laws
into consideration,--the noble viscount on that occasion declared before
God, with reference to the abolition of the corn laws, that he believed
the man must be mad who dreamed of such a thing. Now, my lords, I do not
pretend to say that the noble viscount has not a perfect right to change
his opinions. I believe he thought that he had good grounds for doing
so, and I think I have myself read the report which induced him to
change them. But this I do say, that, before your lordships and the
country were placed in this situation in regard to the queen, the noble
viscount was bound to give parliament and the country an opportunity of
obtaining that knowledge and information as to the true merits of the
question, which he imagines himself to have obtained.

* * * * *

It is by such inquiries as these, my lords, calmly and patiently
conducted, that men are enabled to judge respecting the consequences of
great changes of this nature, and of the bearings and tendencies of each
particular part of what is intended to be done. But, instead of such a
course being pursued, what has been done in the present instance?
Nothing. * * I further think, that the committee and report were _ex
parte_ ones, upon which no legislative measures ought to have been
founded. But what I chiefly complain of is this, that before the noble
viscount put this speech into the mouth of her majesty, he did not give
us full and fair information to guide us as to what we ought to do. I
believe, my lords, that conduct like this is sufficient to induce you to
say that the noble lords opposite do not deserve your confidence.

_August 24, 1841._

* * * * *

_Lord Melbourne's services to the Queen._

I am willing to admit that the noble viscount has rendered the greatest
possible service to her majesty. I happen to know that it is her
majesty's opinion that the noble viscount has rendered her majesty the
greatest possible service, in making her acquainted with the mode and
policy of the government of this country, initiating her into the laws
and spirit of the constitution, independently of the performance of his
duty, as the servant of her majesty's crown; teaching her, in short, to
preside over the destinies of this great country.

_August 24, 1841._

* * * * *

_England the best country for the Poor._

With respect to the corn law question, my opinions are already well
known. I shall not argue the propriety of these laws, but I shall be
ready to discuss them when a discussion is brought forward by a
government having the confidence of her majesty's parliament. But, my
lords, I earnestly recommend you, for the sake of the people of this
country, for the sake of the humblest orders of the people, not to lend
yourselves to the destruction of our native cultivation. Its
encouragement is of the utmost and deepest importance to all classes. My
lords, I have passed my life in foreign countries, in different regions
of the earth, and I have been in only one country in which the poor man,
if sober, prudent, and industrious, is quite certain of acquiring a
competence. That country is this. We have instances every day; we have
seen, only within the last week, proofs that persons in the lowest ranks
can acquire, not only competence, but immense riches. I have never heard
of such a thing in any other country. I earnestly beg of you not to lose
sight of this fact, and not to consent to any measure which would injure
the cultivation of our own soil. I have seen in other lands the misery
consequent on the destruction of cultivation, and never was misery equal
to it; and, my lords, I once more conjure you not to consent to any
measure tending to injure the home cultivation of this country.

_August 24, 1841._

* * * * *

_Opinions on Abstract Questions of Policy inexpedient._

My lords, the noble viscount states, and he states truly, that it is not
a habit in this house to call on your lordships to give an opinion on
abstract questions of policy. That, my lords, is perfectly true, and I
have myself endeavoured to bring the house to that view on more than one
occasion, that is, to prevent the expression of any opinion on abstract
questions of policy, in the shape of an address or otherwise, until it
should be brought before your lordships in the shape of a distinct
legislative measure. More than once I have succeeded in persuading your
lordships to withhold such opinion, and on some occasions, even, I have
supported the government (whig) against them, however much I may have
disapproved of their policy with regard to them.

_August 24, 1841._

* * * * *

It is at all times desirable that the sovereign should not be pledged in
the speech from the throne.

_August 24, 1841._

* * * * *

_Abolition of Oaths._

The foundation of all justice is truth, and the question is, how truth
is to be ascertained. Before I can receive any application of this
description, and before I can vote for the bill lately laid on your
lordships' table, I would like to hear the opinion of some of those
learned men who are at this moment engaged in the administration of the
law, and who must have made up their minds as to the best means of
ascertaining the truth. Hitherto it has been understood in this country
that the best means was by administering oaths. I am aware that the
legislature has made certain exceptions. It may be very well to make
these exceptions--and let further exceptions be made if they are
expedient--but I do say, that we ought to have some solemn examination
of the question, and some certainty that the new mode proposed is as
good as the old one for ascertaining the truth, which, as is said, is
the foundation of all justice.

_March 18, 1842._

* * * * *

_The Income Tax only justified by Necessity._

I can answer for myself, and I believe I can also answer for my
colleagues, that nothing but necessity could have induced us to propose
such a tax. We are perfectly aware of all the inconveniences that must
result from it. We are perfectly aware of the provisions of the act of
parliament upon your lordships' table. We are perfectly aware of the
odious powers with which these commissioners and others must be
trusted--and we can reconcile it to ourselves only by the necessity of
the case. Your lordships must feel it. We have been now for several
years engaged in operations involving great expense in all parts of the
world. I will not say, my lords, that we have been at war, but, I
believe, we have been at something as like war, if it be not war, as
anything could well be. We are exactly in the situation of persons who
have incurred a great debt, and who are called upon to pay the bill. I
say again, my lords, that nothing but a strong sense of the necessity of
the case, and that there was no other course which we could take to
produce such a revenue as would enable us to meet the difficulties of
the country, or to do what is necessary for its prosperity, would have
induced us to propose such a measure; and it will not last one moment
longer than it shall be absolutely necessary.

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