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Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington

A >> Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington >> Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century




_May 14, 1839._

A war carried on by militia, volunteers, and troops of that description,
will infallibly be carried on after the manner of civil wars.

May 30, 1839.

* * * * *

_Reasons for passing the Poor Law._

I have been long enough in parliament to recollect that, before the
present law passed, there were not less than half-a-dozen attempts made,
by some of the greatest men this country ever produced, to amend the
system of the poor laws. Among others, the late Mr. Pitt endeavoured to
amend these laws, but failed, and for a reason which I believe
occasioned the failure of every attempt to alter them until that which
was successfully made within these five years, when the present poor law
amendment act was passed, principally by the exertions of the noble and
learned lord (Lord Brougham). The real truth of the matter was
this--that in every parish in the country there existed some abuses, I
will venture to say a hundred times greater than any of those with which
the noble earl (Stanhope) entertains your lordships upon every vacant
day that presents itself. In every parish, I repeat, there were abuses;
and, in each, abuses founded upon a different principle from those
existing in some neighbouring parish; so that no law could be devised to
remedy them; for the measure which would apply to parish A, instead of
removing the abuses existing in parish B, would only have tended to
aggravate and render them intolerable. At length, there was a very
general and searching inquiry into the whole state of the administration
of the poor laws; the result of which was, that the present measure was
arranged and produced to parliament. It passed both houses in a very
short space of time, and, I believe, on the principle there was no
division whatever, and hardly a difference of opinion, in this house; I
believe there was none in the other house of parliament, and very little
difference of opinion was expressed upon any part of the details. With
respect to the administration of the law, I have observed it in
different parts of the country, and I must say that its administration
has been entirely satisfactory, and most particularly to those parties
who are likely to become its more immediate objects. That part of the
law of which the noble earl complains most, namely, the existence of the
poor law commissioners, is, in my opinion, the most important part of
it. The truth of the matter is, that the abuses in the administration of
the poor laws were so numerous, so various, and, at the same time, so
inveterate, that it was absolutely impossible to get the better of them,
without the constitution of some central authority which should
superintend the execution of the law; taking care that it was duly
administered, and that those intrusted with its execution in the country
did not infringe upon its provisions. Such, I believe, was the object of
the institution of those boards of guardians and commissioners.

_June 18, 1839._

_The Ballot and Universal Suffrage dangerous. Open questions a symptom
of weakness in a Government._

I fully concur with the noble viscount (Melbourne) in the propriety of
opposing the further extension of the suffrage, and upon the very same
ground, namely, that such extension would be inconsistent with the best
interests of the country. I likewise concur in the sentiments which that
noble viscount has expressed upon the subject of the ballot; that
obnoxious, and, I must say, un-English measure; at the same time I
deeply regret that the noble viscount did think proper to make it what
is called an open question. I had the misfortune to be in office when
there were such questions, and I must say, that I never could consider
them as anything but a symptom of weakness on the part of those who were
carrying on the service of their sovereign--a symptom that they were not
acting together, that they did not agree amongst themselves, and that
there was a division also amongst their supporters. Instead of its being
a matter of satisfaction that an individual question like the ballot
should be left an open question, I regard it as a circumstance most
likely to prove disastrous to the government, and eventually so to the
country.

June 25, 1839.

* * * * *

_The Birmingham Riots in 1839. The town treated worse than if taken by
storm._

I have been accused of "exaggeration."[21] That may be a parliamentary
phrase; I will not presume to decide that it is an unparliamentary
term; but I believe that it is a term not much used amongst gentlemen.
It has been employed, however, in a privileged place, that must be
nameless, and I shall advert to it no farther than to notice the
conclusions which may be drawn from the use of such a term in reference
to what I did say. I trust your lordships will excuse me for a few
moments upon this subject, because I really think I have been most
unjustifiably made the subject of a personal attack for what I stated in
this, your lordships' house, with respect to the late riots in
Birmingham. What I stated, my lords, was founded on the same species of
information which, it appears, was in the possession of her majesty's
government; for, neither the noble viscount, nor any of the other noble
lords opposite, knew any more of the subject than I did; they knew
nothing beyond what they had seen in the newspapers; and I stated, at
the time, that I knew nothing beyond that, myself, with regard to the
facts. But I compared the transactions at Birmingham with certain other
transactions, of which, certainly, I have more knowledge than most noble
lords in this house; matters on which I had a certain and positive
knowledge; and I said (and I firmly believe that it was correct, and
that, in making the comparison I did not, in the least degree, depart
from the truth), that the peaceable inhabitants of the town of
Birmingham were worse treated, upon that occasion, than the inhabitants
of any town I had ever known or seen taken by assault. This is what I
asserted; and, it is the fact, according to my opinion.

[Footnote 21: A member of the House of Commons had used this term as
applied to the Duke's remarks on this subject, a few nights previously.]
* * * * *

I cannot help thinking that it is extraordinary that, in the year 1839,
after nine years of liberal government,--after nine years' enjoyment of
the blessings of liberal government,--your lordships should be
discussing whether or not the amount of destruction completed within a
peaceful town within her majesty's dominions is equal to the mischief
done to a town which is taken by storm. And yet this has been clearly
demonstrated to be the case. It is clear, my lords, that in peaceful,
happy England, which carried on a war for twenty-two years, and which
made the most extraordinary efforts to maintain that war, as she did,
with circumstances of glory and success attending her arms in all parts
of the world,--in order to avoid as it was hoped, these miseries, and so
that no such disasters as these might ever approach her shores,--in this
same happy and peaceful England, after nine years of liberal government,
here is a town plundered, and its peace destroyed; and yet I am accused
of exaggeration, because I say I never knew any town, taken by storm, to
be so ill-used as this fine town has been. I confess I am not at all
surprised, however, at the conduct of the noble lord who so liberally
applied the term "exaggeration" to what I said, when I reflect who are
the followers and supporters of that noble lord.

_July 22, 1839._

* * * * *

_Legal redress against Magistrates._

I apprehend that, according to the law of England, any individual is at
liberty to complain of the conduct of a magistrate, and proceed against
him in a court of law. No one has ever doubted that, in this country,
every individual has a right so to complain of, and to proceed against,
the magistrates, when the magistrates misconduct themselves. It is in
accordance only with the _Code Napoleon_,--with the code of laws of that
high priest of liberalism, the Emperor Napoleon,--that the consent of
the council of state should be given, before a justice misconducting
himself can be tried and punished. Hitherto, in this country, the
practice and the law have been different on that head; and I hope we
shall hear no more of such proceedings. But follow out the system laid
down in the letter from the Home Office, and the result will be that no
man--- particularly if he have to complain of the conduct of a
magistrate--will, without the consent of the home secretary, go into a
court of justice to obtain redress. My lords, to such a course I trust I
shall see some check put, before it is further established by
precedents.

July 22,1839.

* * * * *

_Reasons for Supporting the Penny Postage Bill_.

In the preamble of this bill, it is stated to have for its object the
establishment, in this country, of a low and uniform rate of postage. I
admit the truth of the arguments stated by the noble viscount upon the
expediency, and, indeed, the necessity, of establishing an uniform and
low rate of postage in this country. These arguments have been urged
more than once by my noble friend near me (Lord Ashburton), and by the
noble duke who heretofore filled the office of postmaster general, but
whom I do not see in his place this evening. If, however, the object be
only to reduce the expense of postage, and to establish an uniform rate,
I imagine that the power of the government is already sufficient for
such a purpose, although the power was not granted for that immediate
object; but the object with which the power was given was, for the
purpose of enabling the government to adopt that particular plan which
is called Mr. Rowland Hill's plan, and which, I am certainly disposed to
admit, was, of all plans, if adopted exactly as Mr. Hill proposed it,
the most likely to be successful. At the same time, I must say, I am
afraid the present plan will not be entirely successful. I think, in the
first place, that a great mistake is committed, in the assumption that
the reduction in the rate of postage down to a penny, even to be paid on
the delivery of the letter, would induce any very considerable increase
of literary correspondence. I possessed, for many years, an extensive
knowledge of the degree of advantage attendant upon such a system in the
army; and I can safely assert to your lordships, that it is quite
curious to remark how small an amount of correspondence is carried on by
soldiers, notwithstanding they enjoy the utmost facility for doing so.
One remarkable instance I will mention, just to show that it is not
quite certain that a large increase of correspondence will take place in
consequence of the rate of postage being reduced to a penny. In the case
of a highland regiment, it was positively ascertained that, in the
course of six or seven months, only sixty-three or sixty-four letters
were written. Now this is a fact on which reliance can be placed; and it
certainly demonstrates that the people of this country are not so ready
to correspond, as some suppose, even when they can send letters at the
rate of a penny for the postage. I would beg your lordships to observe
just one point touching the application of this plan to the country
parts of England. It is perfectly well known to you that the post-office
is frequently six or seven miles, and sometimes ten or fifteen miles,
from most of the houses and villages in the neighbourhood. Now, if a man
have to take a letter to the post-office, he may lose half a day's work
in going there; and it cannot be supposed that he would make such a
sacrifice merely because he would only be charged a penny on the
delivery of his letter. Then, again, let us look at the manner in which
the plan will work in large towns. The plan will, no doubt, work
beneficially in London. In London, there are a number of people employed
for the purpose of delivering letters in all parts of the town several
times in the course of the day. But let us take such towns as
Manchester, or Leeds, or Liverpool; the people cannot resort to one
post-office, and post-offices must therefore be established in different
parts of the town for their accommodation; and the consequence will be,
a vast increase in the establishment of the post-office,--of which
increase, I do not think sufficient notice has been taken in the
documents which I have perused. Upon the whole, then, I am very much
afraid that this scheme for a low and uniform rate of postage wilt be
found impracticable on account of the expense, and, also, from the small
amount of profit which will accrue from the carriage of the letters.

* * * * *

At the time this subject was first mentioned in this house, and, indeed,
in the other house of parliament, the noble viscount said that his main
object would he to secure the revenue; and I certainly apprehended that
the noble viscount would not adopt this plan, unless he could see some
security for the revenue; and this was the language held, also, in the
other house of parliament, I understand. It seems now, however, that we
have got no security for the revenue.

* * * * *

But my lords, notwithstanding I feel so little confidence in this
measure, and notwithstanding that I must continue to lament that it
should ever have been adopted, when all the circumstances of the present
times are considered,--I, nevertheless, earnestly recommend you to pass
it. It is a measure which has been most anxiously looked forward to by
the country; at the same time that it is one as to which there has been
much doubt: but your lordships should bear in mind, that there is not
one clause of this bill upon which you can make an amendment, or in
which you can give a vote, except in the negative or the affirmative,
without committing a breach of those conventional rules which have been
established for the conduct of the business between you and the House of
Commons. On the other hand, my lords, suppose you were to reject this
bill;--the government, supported by the other house, would have the
power to destroy the whole revenue of the post-office; so that all the
evil which this bill could do to the revenue, and which it is your
object to save, might still be done;--and seeing that, at the same time,
the measure of post-office administration, which it is the object of
this bill to effect, and which it is desired should be carried into
execution, must altogether lie over, unless you agree to some such
measure as this;--I say, my lords, under these circumstances, I intend,
though with pain and reluctance, to vote for the bill; and I earnestly
recommend your lordships to adopt it.

_August 5, 1839._

* * * * *

_Danger of interfering with the Religion of the Hindoos._

My lords, I served in India for a considerable length of time; but I
never saw--I never heard of--anything so revolting in the religious
ceremonies of the natives as has been described by the noble duke and by
the right reverend prelate. The whole army, while I was in India, except
about 50,000 men, consisted of idolaters; but they were as good soldiers
as could be found anywhere. They performed, in the best manner, any
service that was required of them; and certainly, at that time, the
object of the government, and of every man in the service of the
government, was to avoid, not only interference, but even the semblance
of any interference, in any manner, in the idolatrous rites and
ceremonies of the country. I have not read one of the dispatches which
have been alluded to; and I must say that I have seen too much, in my
own experience, to encourage the practice of encouraging documents of
this description. I beg your lordships to recollect, that with the
exception of about 20,000 of her majesty's troops, and, with the
exception of the civil servants of the government, and the few European
residents in the country, there is not a man in India who is not an
idolater, to manage the affairs of that most extensive and important
empire. I would entreat your lordships never to lose sight of that fact.
I know, too, from experience, for I have seen the missionaries at work,
the little progress which they make; and I know at the same time that
their labours create a good deal of jealousy. I warn the government not
to go too far in their measures against the idolatry of India; for the
Indian empire is one of great importance, and they must not expect to
convert 100,000,000 of idolaters to our holy religion by the small means
at their disposal.

_August 13, 1839._

* * * * *

_Never said one thing and meant another._

I will not make any professions of my own anxiety to put down the slave
trade. I have passed a long life, I trust with honour, in the service of
her majesty's predecessors. I served her majesty's predecessors in
diplomatic situations and in councils, as well as in the army, and I
believe people cannot accuse me of saying one thing and meaning another.

_August 19, 1839._

* * * * *

_Impotent Colonial Administration of the Whigs._

We have sacrificed 20,000,000 l. of money to terminate slavery in the
British colonies; and we are now calling upon other nations--upon the
United States, upon Spain, upon the Brazils, and upon various powers
which possess slaves--to imitate and to follow our example; but what
have we done to secure the co-operation of those great countries in the
great object that we have in view? We have offered no inducement to
those nations to imitate our example, by the establishment of order and
good government in our West Indian colonies; for nowhere have we
properly or adequately availed ourselves of those advantages which we
have, or of those advantages which we might procure, to give security to
life and property in those islands, and to maintain peace and
tranquillity among their inhabitants. The communities in the West Indies
are all small societies; and there is not a man in any one of them, not
in Jamaica, even, which is the largest of them, who is not within the
reach of authority. The government of each of those islands is strong in
the means of exercising authority--strong in garrisons, strong in
troops, strong in a police force, and in everything necessary for the
preservation of life and property, for carrying the laws into execution,
and for affording security to every individual, even to the very lowest
of the people;--but yet, I will venture to say, since the enactment of
the law for the emancipation of the slaves, there have been and are no
societies, in the whole world, in such a state of disorganization,
disorder, and anarchy, as are those very West Indian islands of ours;
but which, if they were well managed and governed by the noble lord,
nominally at the head of the colonial department, instead of by the
different factions that resort thither to interfere with the business of
that government, ought, and are calculated, to be of the greatest
advantage to this nation. There are no societies in the world more
capable of being well governed, than those islands are, if the noble
lord opposite would only perform his duty in an independent manner, and
keep all factions at a distance, instead of allowing every faction in
this country to interfere, on all occasions, with the business of the
government in relation to those colonies. But this is not all; let your
lordships look round in all directions, and you will see the same
lamentable state of things existing. Look at Lower Canada, look at Upper
Canada, at Newfoundland--look where you will, you will see nothing but
disorder and anarchy--and resulting from what? from nothing but the
interference of factions in England; who, let your lordships recollect,
have nothing to do with those colonies. These disorders result solely
from the interference of those factions in the affairs of each of those
colonies; and till the government shall put an end to such interference,
and act altogether independently of it, it is impossible to hope for a
restoration of tranquillity.

_August 23, 1839._

* * * * *

_The Melbourne Administration no Government._

I can assure the noble viscount, (Palmerston) that all I desire--and all
I have desired for some years past--is this,--to see a "government" in
the country. To see the country "governed." I wish that I could say
that I had seen it "governed" for some years past; and I hope that the
noble viscount will now turn over a new leaf, and "govern" the country a
little better than he has done heretofore. I may tell the noble
viscount, that I have had some little experience in these matters
myself; and I humbly suggest to the noble viscount, that, before he
announces measures to parliament through the speech from the throne, in
future, he should first take care that those measures have already been
properly considered; and that, before he inserts them in her majesty's
speech, he should have them ready prepared, or in such a state of
preparation as to be able to introduce them to parliament immediately
after the speech from the throne. If he do thus, the measures in all
probability, will be in such a state that they may be passed, or, at all
events, they will not be scrambled for among partisans and factions in
parliament: they will then, most likely, be considered by men who, I
consider, from their official station, must be capable of deciding upon
them; they will be their measures, and not the measures of factions and
parties; or, at least, they will not be measures presented to parliament
in such a state as that they ought not to pass. But I have desired to
see a "government" in the country, for many other reasons besides those
which are referable to the state and manner in which measures have been
brought forward, after having been announced to parliament in the speech
from the throne. I desire to have a "government" in this country,
because I am anxious to see our colonies settled and governed--because
I wish to see the interior of the country settled and governed as it
ought to be governed--and because I wish to see all our establishments
fixed and protected in that form and state in which they are to remain.

_August 23, 1839._

* * * * *

_Causes of the Weakness of the Melbourne Administration._

The noble viscount has been pleased to attribute the disturbances in the
country, at the present moment, to the opposition which, he says, has
been given by your lordships to the measures brought forward for the
redress of grievances. Now I did not like to interrupt the noble
viscount, when he was addressing your lordships; but I certainly felt
much disposed to call upon the noble viscount to name what the measures
were, to which he so alluded. I have been trying, ever since the noble
viscount spoke, to recollect what those measures could be; and I declare
that, with respect to England, particularly, I do not know of a single
measure which has been discussed in this house, and rejected by your
lordships, that would with any degree of propriety, be called a measure
for the redress of the grievances of the people. If there be such
measures, let the noble viscount bring them forward again next session,
and I am sure they will receive from your lordships every attention.
But, my lords, I have taken another view of the cause of the
disturbances which now exist in the country. I think they have arisen
from a very peculiar state of circumstances; and I will venture to
submit them to the noble viscount, in answer to that part of his speech,
in which he was kind enough to attribute those disturbances to the House
of Lords. I believe that they have originated in the unnoticed and
unpunished combinations which have been allowed by the government during
so many years, to exist,--whether as political unions or as trade
unions, or as other combinations,--clearly illegal combinations,--amongst
workmen, to force others to abandon their work, by those who work at
prices different from those at which they are content to be employed, and
at which they have agreed to work for their employers. These combinations
have gone so far in some parts of the country,--and more particularly in
the north of England, and, indeed, throughout almost the whole of the
northern part of the island,--as to threaten destruction to the trade and
credit of the manufacturers; and at last they have arrived at that pitch,
and have spread to that extent, that the country is brought to the
situation in which we see it at the present moment. For, after all,
what are these Chartists, that are found marching about the country,
and engaged in the disturbances that prevail? I have inquired a great
deal into the subject, and the result is, that I believe they are nothing
more nor less than persons combined together for the purpose of driving
other workmen--engaged, whether in manufactures, in the collieries, or
agricultural pursuits, or in other districts--from their work; and for
the purpose of destroying the machinery, and the buildings, and of
interfering with the capital of the employers,--thus striking at the
very root of employment, and at the chief means of the sustenance of the
people,--striking at the foundation of the manufactures and the commerce
of the country, and of all its prosperity. This is my sincere belief; and
all this, I say, is owing to the want of early notice of the proceedings
of those combinations by the government,--to their not having carried the
laws into execution,--to their having left free from punishment those who
have been submitted to trial,--and to their unfortunate selection of
magistrates, and, above all, of the magistrates of the new reformed
corporations of Birmingham, Manchester, Bolton, and other towns. The
government may rely on it, that, until they adopt different measures,
they will not induce parliament to look with favour on their
proceedings. The government first reduced all the military
establishments. Those military establishments are not, even now, nearly
up to their proper footing; and I am firmly convinced that, in the
disturbed districts, there is not one half the establishment equal to
the ordinary establishment maintained in time of peace. This
circumstance, and the want of a due execution of the law upon those who
are tried, convicted, and sentenced to punishment,--and also the fact,
that those who have been appointed to carry into execution the law are
persons connected by habit, by association, and even by excitement, with
those very Chartists who have violated the law,--suggest the true causes
of these disturbances; and not the nameless grievances created by a
nameless opposition in this house, to nameless measures, as alleged by
the noble viscount.

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