Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington

A >> Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington >> Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century

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* * * * *

I will remind your lordships that, since the peace, and particularly
within the last twenty years, three great navies have sprung up in
Europe, which are four times as strong as they were at any former
period. Other navies, it is true, are put down; but we remain much the
same. A great deal has been said, by way of comparison, between the
strength of our navy in 1792, and in the years 1814 and 1815; but when
we talk of strength in this case, we ought not to look at the subject
without adverting to the naval establishments of other powers. Now,
although our marine force should even be on the same footing as before,
our commerce is not only tripled, but extended to a degree ten times
greater than it ever was before; and there is not a part of the earth,
from one pole to the other, in which the protection of our navy is not
required for our commerce. I must say that, if we should at any time
incur the misfortune of being involved in another war--which God
forbid!--the only mode of keeping out of the difficulty would be to
maintain such a navy as would give protection to her majesty's subjects
in all parts of the globe.

_August 14, 1838._

* * * * *

_Neutrality of Belgium._

I hope that it never may be lost sight of in this country, that the
original foundation of the independence of Belgium, as a separate
kingdom, was this condition, namely, its perpetual neutrality. That
condition I consider to have been the foundation of that transaction,
and I hope that this will never be forgotten by this country, or by
Europe.

_February 5, 1839._

* * * * *

_Aggressions on Canada from the United States._

I must say I should very much wish to see suitable measures adopted to
carry into execution the intentions which her majesty declares in her
speech, of maintaining her rights of sovereignty over Canada. The system
of levying private war which prevails on that continent is not wholly
unknown in other parts of the world. I have read of it as existing in
the deserts of Central Asia; I have heard of its being practised, as a
system, by the Asiatics on the frontiers of the Russian monarchy, where
a perpetual warfare is going on between those tribes and the troops sent
to repress their inroads--a warfare that has been waged in those
countries from century to century. We read also of circumstances of the
same kind occurring in Africa--of wars carried on by barbarous tribes
against the possessions of the British government in Africa, the
contests of savages against a civilized people. But this is a war
carried on by a nation supposed to be considerably advanced in the scale
of civilization--by men governing themselves, electing their servants by
ballot and general suffrage, and living under institutions of that
description. Yet these are the very men who come in at night, and with
fire and torch destroy the property of her majesty's subjects, for no
reason whatever except that they obey her majesty's laws, and carry into
effect her royal commands. Of such a system of warfare there are, I
believe, no examples, except, as I have stated, among the most lawless
of the barbarous tribes of the East and of Africa. It is quite out of
the question that her majesty's loyal subjects, invited to their
habitations, and fixed in them, by her majesty's authority and that of
her predecessors, should not endeavour to retaliate the sufferings thus
inflicted upon them, unless protected by the strong arm of government;
but how can government protect them, except by taking strong measures,
when these persons are found invading her majesty's dominions for the
purpose of plundering and destroying the property of her majesty's
subjects, to intercept them in their retreat, to take them prisoners,
and punish them according to the laws of the country they have insulted?

* * * * *

There can be no doubt a civil government in any country is capable of
preventing the collection of a body of troops, and the invasion of the
territory of a neighbouring power. A body of "sympathisers" has been
organised in the States to carry on the plan of invasion; and are we to
sit down quietly and pass unnoticed this unwarrantable interference?

_February 5, 1839._

* * * * *

_Agitation by Authority._

I now come to the last paragraph of the speech, in which her majesty
complains, that she has observed with pain the efforts which have been
made, in some parts of the country, to excite her subjects to
disobedience and resistance to the law, and to recommend dangerous and
illegal acts. Now, I really think that this affecting paragraph cannot
have raised very pleasant reflections in the breasts of many noble lords
who are in the habit of supporting her majesty's ministers. It is but
too true that various persons have endeavoured to excite her majesty's
subjects to resist the law; but I am afraid much of this spirit may be
traced to what has taken place in this house on former occasions. I have
heard persons, charged with the highest employments of government,
insisting upon the rights of this people to assemble for the expression
of their sentiments, declaiming against any restriction on that right,
and preaching upon this doctrine without restricting it in the manner
declared by law--namely, that these assemblies must not be in numbers
sufficient to create alarm. It was but very lately that a great officer
of state, travelling about the country, made a speech to the same
purport at Liverpool, and stated those opinions in the most unreserved
manner, at the very moment when men were assembling by torch-light
meetings. We have heard for a number of years past of the extraordinary
tranquillity of Ireland, and as often as I have listened to the phrase,
I have protested against it; but there is a gentleman, high in the
confidence of government, who goes about devising new modes of agitation
every day. That gentleman ought to have a special copy of the speech
sent to him! One time he talks of raising 2,000,000 of men--at another
time of a fund of 20,000 l. sterling, which is deposited in his private
bank, and ultimately to be deposited in his private pocket. In order to
further his new schemes of agitation, that gentleman has declared his
intention of raising 60,000 fighting men for her majesty, though he has
never, that I am aware of, been employed as a recruiting officer.
Sometimes these boasts do not turn out to be true; but if not 60,000
persons, there may be 6,000, or some force of that description, which
would be a serious inconvenience to the government.

_February 5, 1839._

* * * * *

_Folly of carrying on war with a peace establishment._

This country is at war--at war in two quarters of the world--at war in
America and at war in Asia; and what I say is this, that when a country
is at war, I understand that the fleet of that country should be put
upon a war establishment; whereas, these returns are made on a peace
establishment--nay, I believe on one much lower,--on a reduced peace
establishment; and yet we are pretending to carry on war in two
countries of the world with such means! I warned your lordships a year
and a half ago--indeed nearly two years ago, against any such attempt. I
believe that we have been feeling the inconvenience of such an attempt
from that period up to the present time, and I only hope and trust in
God, that we shall not experience still further inconvenience and
disasters from our perseverance in it. A peace establishment, and a
reduced peace establishment, may be very fit and very proper for
carrying on the service of the country in time of peace; but when we
come to carry on war, our peace establishment is not found equal to the
performance of the duties required from the establishment in time of
peace, and still less to those extended duties which must be performed
in time of war.

* * * * *

We are carrying on a war in North America, and a most expensive war in
Asia; and both of them require all the force this country can employ in
order to bring them to an early and an honourable termination. We are,
however, engaging in both with a reduced peace establishment, and we are
incurring all descriptions of risks, in every other part of the world,
in order to do this. The noble earl (Minto) has been talking about a
few masts and sails, when the whole force which the country can command
ought to be engaged in the war now waging, in order to bring the contest
to the honourable termination I speak of. I said this about a year and a
half ago, and I now repeat it.

_March 7, 1839._

* * * * *

_The Corn Laws have improved Agriculture._

The system which it is the object of the existing law to establish, is
one of encouragement to agriculture--a system which was established at
the termination of the last century, and under which I will venture to
assert, the agriculture of this country has made a progress, and has
risen to a degree of superiority throughout these kingdoms, greater than
exists in any other part of the world, not excepting even the
Netherlands. Under this system of encouragement to agriculture, large
sums of money have been laid out and invested in land, and property
relating to land; and great sums are at this moment in the course of
investment in the same way; and I call on your lordships not to agree to
any resolution, or to any measure of the government (if they should
think proper to propose any such measure), which will have the effect of
withdrawing from agriculture this protection, and thus putting a stop to
those great improvements which are at present in progress, and which, I
say, have had such an influence on agriculture, that the amount of
produce raised in this country is thereby greatly increased. I believe
that the produce of the country has been immensely increased, and
particularly in the valuable article of wheat, the annual production of
which is now nearly equal to its greatest annual consumption. Such is
the supply of wheat that the very lowest order of the people subsist
mostly upon it; which is not, I believe, the practice in any other
country. The practice is not known any where else; it is not known in
France; it is not known in Germany; it is not known in the Netherlands;
nor is it, in short, the case any where else. In fact, the lower orders
live upon wheaten bread in no country of the world except England. I
entreat your lordships to bear this in mind; I entreat you not to break
down a system which has carried cultivation to such a pitch, that an
amount of produce is raised in England, alone, which is found to be
nearly equal to her greatest annual consumption. I think the annual
amount of produce will increase. This is my firm belief; and I am
confident that with the increase of produce there must come, and come
naturally too, a corresponding decrease of price; and it is to that
consequence that I look as being the solution of all the difficulties
which at present attend this question. But, let your lordships
recollect, it is absolutely necessary to keep up this encouragement in
order to arrive at the desired result of the reduction of price. Very
lately, when wheat in this country was at 78s. the quarter, and the duty
on importation was a merely nominal one of 1s. a quarter, was there any
such quantity of foreign wheat introduced as was sufficient to lower the
price? Not at all. The moment the ports were opened, the merchant
importer stood on the same ground as the farmer, and he would not sell
his corn for 1s. less than the price of the day. Did we ever hear of
corn coming in from abroad, and being brought to market at a cheaper
rate than it was selling for in this country? Never. But look to the
operation of the law prevailing in the former part of the war; the
prices varied from 70s. to 150s. the quarter. Did we ever hear of
foreign corn being sold for 1s. less than what could be got for it in
the general markets of this country? It must be sold by the merchant
importer at the very same price as by the farmer. It is all very fine to
say that the price would be exceedingly low, if these laws were
abolished, and corn were allowed to be introduced without restriction.
Why, if the price of corn raised in this country were low, the foreigner
could not get more for his corn here, than the farmer; but if the price
of home grown corn were necessarily high, the introduction of foreign
corn would not reduce it.

_March 14, 1839._

* * * * *

_Repeal of the Corn Laws will raise the price of Corn._

It is very important to look at this question with reference to the
interests of the commerce of the country, and also to consider the
effect of the abolition of the corn laws on the price of provisions and
on the price of manufactures. Now, if we discourage agriculture to such
a degree that any large body of persons and a great amount of capital
come to be withdrawn from it, the price of native produce must rise;
there would be so much less produce raised than before, that its
price--the price of the native produce I mean--must rise. Now, the price
of the corn imported will be the price of the diminished quantity of the
home-raised corn. Would the manufacturing labourer benefit by this?
Would the manufacturer find any advantage in it, when the diminished
value of their wages was forcing the labourers to raise the market upon
him? Would the merchant exporter gain anything by the change? Would it
not be found that, in proportion as the manufacturer must pay a larger
amount of wages, the prices of his manufactures must be augmented; and
therefore the disadvantages of competition with merchants abroad be
augmented likewise?

_March 14, 1839._

* * * * *

_Foreign Governments would Tax the Export of their Corn._

There is another view of the question which I beseech your lordships to
take--I mean the question of our dependence on foreign produce for a
great part of our annual consumption, which would be caused by the
abolition of the present law. On looking over the papers which have been
produced on former discussions of this subject, I have seen proofs that
in certain countries duties are paid upon the exportation of corn thence
hither; and that statements are made by the sovereigns of those
countries to this effect:--"As the corn is wanted by Great Britain, and
her subjects can afford to pay the duty, therefore they shall pay it."
This duty must come out of the pocket of her majesty's subjects, and be
taken into account in the price of the goods of the manufacturers. Your
lordships have heard a great deal upon the competition of foreign
manufacturers with our own in foreign markets. I certainly am one who
does not despise the consideration of these subjects; which, on the
contrary, I think of very high importance; but this question is a large
one, and it is necessary to consider it on rather broader grounds. This
very consideration may be material with respect to some countries of
which we have been the creditors; but I do not see how our relations
with those which are not corn countries can be affected by any change in
the corn laws. The power of taxation, which would be thrown into the
hands of foreign powers, in the event of the repeal of the corn laws,
constitutes, in my view, a most important feature of the case. Suppose
we were involved in an arduous competition with Prussian or Russian
manufacturers for the supply of a particular article: if we should make
up our minds to rely solely on those countries for a supply of corn, as
we are called upon to do by the opponents of the corn laws,--and if the
success of our manufactures depends on the abundance and cheapness of
corn among our population--must we not expect, according to the usual
course of such affairs among mankind, that the corn exported from those
countries would be taxed so as to render the food of our manufacturers
as dear as it would be under any other circumstances? If that is likely
to be the case, I would strongly advise you, my lords, to agree to no
measure which may render this country dependent upon others for its
supply of food. Let us persevere in those measures which have been
successful in raising the agriculture of this country and increasing its
produce; let us increase its produce to the utmost possible degree, and
render all the articles of food as cheap as possible; and then let us
see what can be done with reference to commerce and its interests; but
let us, I entreat, begin by securing to her majesty's subjects a supply
of the best food from the produce of her majesty's own dominions.

_March 14, 1839._

* * * * *

_As a public man, stands on public grounds._

The noble earl (Radnor) says that I am an advocate for a monopoly; and
he talks about my not assisting the landlords, not assisting the
farmers, and not assisting the labourers. My lords, I know nothing about
landlords, farmers, or labourers, when I am advocating a legislative
question of a public nature in this house. I have nothing to say to them
any farther than as their interests are identified with those of the
community at large. I beg the noble lord to understand, when I come into
this house, I come here upon the public interest. I have no more to say
to landlords, farmers, or labourers, than the noble earl himself; and I
am thoroughly convinced there is not a noble friend near me who does not
look at this question solely on public grounds, and those which he
conceives it to be for the interest of the country to take.

_March 14, 1839._

* * * * *

_Objections to a free press in Malta._

I am one of those who have always thought, that if there existed any
part of her majesty's dominions in which a free press was not necessary,
Malta was that part. Our business there is to maintain a garrison and a
great naval station. Malta contains a population of 100,000 persons, for
whom I entertain the highest respect and regard, being convinced that
her majesty has no better or more devoted subjects than they are. It is
the duty of government, and the duty of this house, as far as it can, to
superintend the good government of the people of Malta--a people who
talk the Maltese language, and the Maltese language alone--a people, of
whom not one in 500 can read a line. Surely, of all the institutions of
this country which are the least necessary for men of this description,
and I declare my belief that it is a true description of the people of
Malta, I may venture to assert a free press is that one institution. I
will not dispute that hereafter much good may arise from a free press,
but education is much more necessary for the people of Malta. A free
press cannot be rendered useful to them, much less advantageous, without
that training which they require, and that education which ought to be
given to them. There is a certain liberal set of gentlemen in this
country who think a free press in Malta exceedingly desirable, not for
the sake of any advantage to the inhabitants, but for the sake of the
advantage to be produced on the neighbouring coast of France, and Spain,
and Italy. This is the truth with respect to this free press. * * I
believe that we have now had enough of private wars, and I believe that
we now seek what advantage it would have been, if we had never
undertaken those private wars, not only in other parts of the world, but
also a little nearer home. I must say that the objects of them are
inconsistent with the interests--aye, and inconsistent with the
honour--of this country; inconsistent with the interests of the country,
because, as I always have maintained, and always shall maintain, the
interests of this country must depend, not only on the maintenance of
peace for itself, but on its preventing, if possible, disturbances among
other nations; and inconsistent with its honour, because I will say,
that its honour does depend on not exciting rebellions and insurrections
in other nations, at the same moment that the government here is
ostensibly at peace with those nations. Now, that is the ground on which
I have always objected to a free press in Malta. I object to it, because
I contend that the intention entertained is to have a free press, not
for Malta, but for the neighbouring regions of Italy, France, and Spain;
and if you must have a free press for the Maltese, in the name of God
let it be in the Maltese language!

_April 30, 1839._

* * * * *

_Malta. Its riches and resources._

I have reason to know something of Malta; I know something of its
resources; and, instead of its being misgoverned, I can only say that in
the course of my intercourse with that island, I was astonished at the
immensity of its resources of all descriptions, and at the readiness
with which these resources were afforded to his majesty's troops and
armies, in order to enable them to carry on war against an enemy. It is
but an act of justice to those noble and honourable persons who have
governed Malta, to say thus much; and I must add that, having known that
island for a period of nearly twenty years, I really believe that, on
the face of the globe there is not a place of the same extent and
population which possesses one thousandth part of its riches and
resources of all descriptions.

_April 30, 1839._

* * * * *

_Indifference to Reports._

I have served the sovereigns and the public of this country for fifty
years, and throughout the whole of that period I have been exposed to
evil report and to good report, and I have still continued to serve on
through all report, both good and evil, and thus I confess myself to be
completely indifferent to the nature of all reports.

_May 14, 1839._

* * * * *

_Personal Attendants of the Sovereign. Their Political Influence._

When the noble viscount announced in this house on Tuesday last that he
had resigned his office, the probable consequences of that announcement
occurred to my mind, and I turned my attention in consequence to the
state of the government at the present moment--to the state of the royal
authority--to the composition of the royal household--and to all those
circumstances which were likely to come under my consideration, in case
I were called upon to assist in advising the composition of another
administration. I confess, that it appeared to me impossible that any
set of men should take charge of her majesty's government without having
the usual influence and control over the establishment of the royal
household--that influence and control which their immediate predecessors
in office had exercised before them. As the royal household was formed
by their predecessors in office, the possession of that influence and
that control over it appeared to me to be absolutely necessary, to let
the public see that the ministers who were about to enter upon office
had and possessed the entire confidence of her majesty. I considered
well the nature of the formation of the royal household under the civil
list act passed at the commencement of her majesty's reign. I considered
well the difference between the household of a queen-consort and the
household of a queen-regnant. The queen-consort not being a political
person in the same light as a queen-regnant, I considered the
construction of her majesty's household--I considered who filled offices
in it--I considered all the circumstances attendant on the influence of
the household, and the degree of confidence which it might be necessary
for the government to repose in the members of it. I was sensible of the
serious and anxious nature of the charge which the minister in
possession of that control and influence over her majesty's household
would have laid upon him. I was sensible that in everything which he
did, and in every step which he took as to the household, he ought to
consult not only the honour of her majesty's crown, and her royal state
and dignity, but also her social condition, her ease, her convenience,
her comfort--in short, everything which tended to the solace and
happiness of her life. I reflected on all these considerations as
particularly incumbent on the ministers who should take charge of the
affairs of this country; I reflected on the age, the sex, the situation,
and the comparative inexperience, of the sovereign on the throne; and I
must say that if I had been, or if I was to be, the first person to be
consulted, with respect to the exercise of the influence and control in
question, I would suffer any inconvenience whatever, rather than take
any step as to the royal household which was not compatible with her
majesty's comforts.

* * * * *

I cannot but think that the principles on which we proposed to act with
respect to the ladies of the bed-chamber, in the case of a
queen-regnant, were the correct principles. The public will not believe
that the queen holds no political conversation with those ladies, and
that political influence is not exercised by them, particularly
considering who those persons are who hold such situations. I believe
the history of this country affords a number of instances in which
secret and improper influence has been exercised by means of such
conversations. I have, my lords, a somewhat strong opinion on this
subject. I have unworthily filled the office which the noble viscount
now so worthily holds; and I must say I have felt the inconvenience of
an anomalous influence, not exercised, perhaps, by ladies, but anomalous
influence, undoubtedly, of this description, and exerted simply in
conversations; and I will tell the noble viscount that the country is at
this moment suffering some inconvenience from the exercise of that very
secret influence.

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