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Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington

A >> Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington >> Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century




_April_ 21,1837.

* * * * *

_Intervention, if at all, should be on a National Scale_.

The noble viscount says that we are carrying on these operations with
the object of maintaining the peace of Europe; and these objects are,
more especially, put forth in a pamphlet which is attributed to a
colleague of the noble viscount, who has applauded his opinions, if he
has not gone further, and adopted them as his own. Is the noble lord
desirous, in accordance with the policy so set forth, to press upon the
nation the adoption of the system of a general combination of the powers
of the west, upon principles offensive as well as defensive, against the
powers of the north and east of Europe? If so momentous an affair and
such a course are seriously contemplated, they should not be commenced
by stealth, but in a manner worthy of the character of a great nation
like Great Britain. It is not by allowing Spain to raise a legion here
in the first instance, and afterwards by sending a few hundred marines,
that any really important object can be accomplished. But if the noble
lords are in earnest, a message should be sent to parliament, and the
support of the country should be called for, to this new scheme of
policy; and a commanding force should be sent, in order to carry it into
execution. But I recommend the noble viscount well to consider the
length of time which must elapse before these operations can be brought
to a conclusion; the expense which must, in the first instance, be
incurred; and the lengthened period which must elapse before the troops
can be withdrawn, and the other expenses can be discontinued, which must
be incurred if this scheme be undertaken. The noble lord must establish
a government in Spain; he must have the assistance of a Spanish army;
and he must pay, equip, and provide for, not only his majesty's troops,
but every Spanish officer and soldier employed in the settlement of the
government of the country. It may be said, that there are financial
resources in Spain; but I am much mistaken, regarding the state of the
Spanish military establishments and Spanish finances, if there are not
non-effective establishments, such as pensions, retired allowances,
expenses of garrisons, and others, which will consume the whole of the
pecuniary resources of Spain, however well managed, even without
including the interest of the existing debt. I think that, if this
country should have this matter fairly brought under its view, it would
not be thought advisable to enter upon the scheme proposed in this
pamphlet. But we are told that France ought to act this part; and that
we ought to give France our moral support. France act! At whose expense?
France would have the same difficulties--nay, greater difficulties--than
this country. Is it intended that we are to subsidise France? No such
thing; we are to assist with our ships and marines on the coast, but it
is France that is to carry on the operations in the interior, and pay
this expense. Is it believed that Louis Philippe has lost his senses? If
we cannot expect that France will pay all this expense, what is to
become of the integrity of the Spanish dominions, and the independence
of the Spanish government, after the operations shall he concluded?

_April_ 21,1837.

* * * * *

_Necessity of Conciliating the Protestants of Ireland_.

My anxious wish, my lords, has always been--and I have frankly stated it
more than once in my place in this house--that the Protestants of
Ireland should be on the best terms with the government of this country,
and that the government should give them every protection and support in
its power. My firm opinion is, that the safety of this country in
connection with Ireland, the safety of the union, the permanence of the
union, and, indeed, the honour of the empire, all depend, in a great
measure, if not entirely, on the good understanding which may subsist
between the government and the Protestants of Ireland. I am also certain
that the prosperity of the Protestants in Ireland, and the safety of
their persons, of their riches, and of everything dear to men, depend on
their being on terms of good understanding with the government; but that
things will not go on as they ought to go on, until government induces
the Protestants of that country to return to that good understanding.
That has been my opinion ever since the commencement of these
unfortunate dissensions, seven years ago; and I should be sorry to say,
this evening, one word which might be calculated to increase the
irritation now existing between both these parties. The noble viscount
(Melbourne) has admitted that the Protestants of Ireland have great
reason to feel the awkwardness of their present position, and to
entertain jealousy of the government; and I must own that the noble
viscount, instead of aggravating that description of feeling which he
admits the Protestants of Ireland ought to have, should use, as I
conceive, every exertion in his power to conciliate them, and to make
them feel that they may depend upon the government for the protection of
their lives and property, and that they will not be sacrificed to those
who are preaching up sedition against the institutions of their country,
and insurrections against the persons and property of her people. These
Protestants are in number not less than 2,000,000. I believe they hold,
my lords, about nine-tenths of the property of Ireland; and I am sure
that they are persons of the best education and of the best conduct in
that country. I believe that the province in which they reside is as
well cultivated and as well conducted in every respect as any portion of
England; and the inhabitants of it deserve on every account all the
protection which the government can afford them. Let us see, my lords,
whether they have not reason to feel jealousy of the government in
consequence of the transactions of the last few years. Look at the total
destruction of the property of tithe--look at the treatment of their
church--look at the various occurrences which have taken place, and see
whether they have not reason to apprehend that there is a latent
intention of putting down the Protestant livings in Ireland, and of
substituting a voluntary system in place of their present church
establishment. Do you suppose that men of their description do not
calculate on the events which are likely to happen? Do you suppose that
they do not read the history of past times? We have heard the noble
viscount talking of the history of the year 1782, and of the year 1798,
and of various other transactions. Let us look at the letters of Henry
Lord Clarendon, formerly chief governor of Ireland; and, having looked
at them, let any man ask himself whether the Protestants of Ireland have
not a right to conceive that matters are advancing rapidly to the state
described by that noble personage, and whether the same description of
power is not now growing up which exercised so enormous an influence on
the government of his day. I consider that the statements made by the
different peers who have spoken to night from this (the conservative)
side of the house ought to have, and I trust they will have, a powerful
effect on the Protestant mind of this country. At the same time that
these statements are brought forward, and the facts are made known to
the public, showing that neither property nor life is secure in Ireland,
his majesty comes down to parliament with a speech, in which he says,
"Ireland is in a state of tranquillity;" and yet there is not one
gentleman residing in Ireland who was not aware, when that speech was
delivered, that a general association had been formed and was in
existence in Dublin for the sole purpose of agitation--of that agitation
which, as Lord Wellesley told the country, was the cause of disturbances
as undoubtedly as any one circumstance ever was the cause of another. Do
your lordships suppose that the Protestants of Ireland are not aware of
that fact?

_April_ 28,1837.

* * * * *

_Lord Normanby's Gaol Deliveries_.

What was the next step of which the Protestants of Ireland complained?
The lord lieutenant, they say, went into the country, from place to
place, without having any communication either with the judges or with
the magistrates;--and that is a fact on which I greatly rely--the lord
lieutenant, they say, released at every county gaol which he visited a
certain number of prisoners. I have said, that the Protestants of
Ireland have a very peculiar interest in the impartial administration of
the law, and in the tranquillity of the country, because they form the
great body of its landed proprietors. They must look at such a
transaction with jealousy; and if there had been no circumstances
connected with such a transaction save those which have been stated this
evening, it must, I think, be admitted, that if the conduct of the lord
lieutenant was not without precedent (and I believe that no precedent
can he found for it) it has yet been still of such rare occurrence that
it ought never to be repeated. I do not mean to say that this power of
enlarging prisoners has never been exercised, but I maintain that it had
never previously been exercised in such a manner. I do not pretend to be
acquainted with the technicalities of the law on this subject; but it
occurs to me that several of the persons who have been released in this
peculiar manner by the lord lieutenant, had surely been guilty of
felony. I do not know exactly what the state of the law is, at present,
upon this subject, but I apprehend that persons who have been found
guilty of felony ought to have some document conveying their pardon, or
in default of its production they become, I believe, liable to certain
fines and forfeitures. But in the present case persons guilty of felony
have been enlarged without any writing at all, at the simple order of
the lord lieutenant, I must say, that a proceeding of this sort is
highly irregular, and that it is such an exercise of power as a lord
lieutenant in the ordinary discharge of his duty ought not to repeat;
and further, that this was an exercise of power which was most likely to
produce a very pernicious effect on the minds of the Protestants of
Ireland.

_April_ 28, 1837.

* * * * *

_Objections to the Irish Corporations Bill of 1837_.

I stated, on a former occasion, that these corporations existed in
their present shape, and were brought to their present state,
principally with a view to the support and protection of the religion of
the Church of England established in Ireland. Whatever may be done with
respect to these corporations for the future, in my opinion that object
ought never to be lost sight of. It may be doubted, from what has lately
occurred in this country, whether that opinion is so unanimously adopted
as it was in former years; but I may venture to say, the support of the
Church of England in Ireland is still the policy of this country--the
policy which his majesty is sworn to maintain--the policy which this
house is called, by writs of summons, to uphold--the policy which every
member of this, or the other house of parliament, is sworn to uphold by
the oaths which he has voluntarily taken. Under these circumstances, I
think I may safely say that, according to the ancient constitution,
according to the modern constitution, according to the uniform policy of
this country for the last 300 years, the maintenance of the Church of
England in Ireland forms a prominent and important point of legislative
concern. Looking to this bill now under consideration, in relation
principally to that policy, it goes undoubtedly to establish a very
large number of corporations in Ireland, the mode of their formation
being to give votes to the very lowest class of the population of the
towns in which these corporations are to be formed. This is to be done,
not upon evidence of their possessing property--not, as in England, upon
residence, upon the payment of rates, or on the evidence of their
possessing anything in the nature of property; but simply on the
condition that the parties possess a 5l. or a 10l. qualification, made
up of all kinds and descriptions of property put together, and this
without any proof whatever, excepting the oath of the parties
themselves, of their possessing even that qualification. It is well
known to your lordships that a system of perjury prevails in all parts
of Ireland, with a view to establish franchise of this description. I
have recently seen accounts of enquiries before select committees in
certain parliamentary elections which have taken place in that country,
and it is impossible to glance at them without being impressed with the
conviction that, if any description of franchise depend solely on the
oaths of the holders, every species of enquiry will be nugatory; and it
will be just as wise to establish at once a system of universal
suffrage, as to establish a system of franchise in such a manner. These
corporations, thus formed by persons holding a franchise of this
description, acquired solely by their own swearing, and without any
evidence whatever of their possessing any property except their own
oaths, establish a system upon which no reliance can be placed, and on
which no establishment whatever can safely depend. If your lordships
want any proof of the danger to the church of Ireland by the
establishment of corporations of this description, I will refer your
lordships to the declarations, I would not say of those who are the
declared enemies, but I must say, the strongest opponents of the church,
and who are found, on every occasion, making the greatest possible
exertions against the church in Ireland, These persons are heard
declaring publicly and repeatedly, almost under the very view of the
government--"Give us but this corporation bill, and all the rest must
follow." If there be any doubt about it, I beg to say, I shall not be
disposed to listen to the threats of any man; but when my own senses
convince me that such must be the result, I mean danger to the
establishment, I do say it is my duty to attend to warnings of the
description to which I have adverted.

_May 5, 1837._

* * * * *

_Eulogium on King William the Fourth._

I have served his late majesty in the highest situations; I have been in
his council as well as the noble viscount (Melbourne). I, indeed, did
not serve him so long as the noble viscount, or even under any such
prosperous circumstances as the noble viscount; but I have had
opportunities of witnessing, under all these circumstances, the personal
advantages of character so ably described by the noble viscount. It has
fallen to my lot to serve his majesty at different periods, and in
different capacities; and, while I had the happiness of doing so, upon
all those occasions I have witnessed not only all the virtues ascribed
to him by the noble viscount, but likewise a firmness, a discretion, a
candour, a justice, and a spirit of conciliation towards others,--a
respect for all. Probably there never was a sovereign who, in such
circumstances and encompassed by so many difficulties, more successfully
met them than he did upon every occasion on which he had to engage
them. I was induced to serve his majesty, not only from my sense of
duty--not alone from the feeling that the sovereign of this country has
the right to command my services in any situation in which it might be
considered that I might be of use--but from a feeling of gratitude to
his majesty for favours, for personal distinctions, conferred upon me,
notwithstanding that I had been unfortunately in the position of
opposing myself to his majesty's views and intentions when he was
employed in a high situation under government,[19] and in consequence of
which he had to resign that great office which he must, beyond all
others, have been most anxious to retain. Notwithstanding that, my
lords, he employed me in his service; and he, as a sovereign, manifested
towards me a kindness, condescension, and favour, which, so long as I
live, I never can forget. I considered myself, then, not only bound by
duty, and the sense I felt of gratitude to all the sovereigns of this
country, under whom I had lived, but more especially towards his late
majesty, to relieve him from every difficulty I could, under any
circumstances.

[Footnote 19: William the Fourth, when Duke of Clarence, was under the
necessity of resigning the office of Lord High Admiral, while the Duke
of Wellington was premier.]

_June_ 22, 1837.

* * * * *

_Agrarian Disturbances in Ireland are earned by Political Agitation_.

The noble earl opposite has stated, that the tranquillity mentioned in
her majesty's speech from the throne, on opening the present parliament,
was not intended to mean judicial or agrarian tranquillity, but
political tranquillity. And what is the sort of political tranquillity
existing in Ireland? I believe that a very few days before the speech in
which the word tranquillity is used was delivered, the association which
was assembled in the capital of Ireland, under the eyes of the noble
earl opposite, was dissolved; but, at the same time, her majesty was
given to understand, that she was not to have the choice of her
ministers, but that they must be selected by the gentleman who was the
founder and the head of that association. Now, to talk of
tranquillity--political tranquillity--in any part of that country,
looking at the situation in which it is placed, is vague and idle. The
noble earl has said, that the agrarian disturbances in Ireland are not
to be attributed to political agitation. Now, one of the greatest
authorities that ever appeared in this or any other country--a noble
relation of mine--stated, that "agrarian disturbances in Ireland were to
be attributed to political agitation, and to nothing else, as much as
effect was to be attributed to cause in any instance whatever." I say,
then, that in Ireland they have agrarian disturbances because they have
political agitations.

_November_ 27, 1837.

* * * * *

_Principle of Imprisonment for Debt_.

One of the causes of debts being incurred in this country is, in a great
degree, the power which creditors at present possess to arrest their
debtors upon _mesne_ process; and I still further believe that it is the
facility which is thus given of obtaining credit, that has been the
cause of the great mercantile prosperity of the country. The enormous
transactions upon credit are such, that both individuals and the public
generally, require further means of recovering debts than exist in
other countries.

_December_ 5,1837.

_The Case of Dr. Hampden_.

The late king was advised to appoint that gentleman to be Regius
Professor of Divinity in the university of Oxford. There can be no doubt
that the general opinion of the university was, that that gentleman's
theological tenets were not exactly orthodox, or consistent with the
articles of the church of England,--an opinion which the publication of
certain works by that gentleman has tended to establish.

Several persons in the university considered it their duty to petition
his majesty, praying, if the appointment had not been completed, that he
would not make it. I believe that another address was presented to his
majesty, entreating his majesty not to sanction that appointment, which,
however, was made, contrary to the views of the university at large; and
a short time afterwards, Dr. Hampden thought right, in his inaugural
lecture, to state that he then felt it his duty to explain the opinions
which had been complained of. I do not pretend to be a judge either of
those opinions or that explanation; but this I will venture to say, and
I believe your lordships will concur in the opinion, that in proportion
as Dr. Hampden found it necessary to give an explanation of his
sentiments, in the same proportion were those justified who thought
proper to disapprove of them. I believe it will be admitted that, if a
clergyman who published certain opinions, not being orthodox, thought
proper to come forward and explain those opinions, at least they who
were opposed to such opinions had some justification, on their being
repeated, for the course they had taken in disapproving of them. This is
all I wish to say respecting the opinions and explanation of Dr.
Hampden. His appointment having been made, notwithstanding the petition
of a vast number of the clergy of Oxford, and the general opinion
expressed there that it should not be made, a request was preferred to
the heads of houses that they would propose some measure to the
convocation which would have the effect of marking the disapprobation on
the part of that body of the opinions and appointment of Dr. Hampden.
The noble earl has alluded to the act of convocation excluding Dr.
Hampden from being one of those to appoint the select preachers, and
also from sitting at the board of heresy. I am not disposed to say
anything against Dr. Hampden; but this I must say, that, considering the
whole transaction, my opinion is, the convocation did as little upon
that occasion as it was possible to do, consistently with the necessity
which existed of taking some notice of that gentleman, his opinions and
conduct. Since that period, I really believe that the university, and
the bishops of the church of England, and all the persons who have any
influence on this question, have done everything in their power to put
it down, and prevent it becoming a subject of discussion, even in the
university or elsewhere. For myself, I can say, I have invariably
pursued that course, it being my object to prevent any discussion on the
matter; and I never should have mentioned it, here or elsewhere,
publicly, if the noble earl had not forced it upon me on the present
occasion. I certainly lament the transaction, principally because I
consider it is likely to produce a schism in the church; and I have been
as anxious as any man can be in my situation, to prevent the university
from proceeding on the subject in such a manner as may, by possibility,
lead to that result.

The noble earl adverted to the conduct of a gentleman who is now
vice-chancellor of the university, and who has, in his capacity of head
of a house, prohibited the attendance of the students in divinity upon
the lectures of the Regius Professor. I do not at all pretend to be
competent to mark the difference between the private and public lectures
of the Regius Professor; but I certainly do not approve of the course
taken by that gentleman. In my opinion, the question is not one to be
considered by the head of a house; for, in fact, no ordination can be
conferred by him or the Regius Professor of Divinity. Ordination can
only be conferred by the bishops of the church; and whether the students
attend the lectures of the Regius Professor of Divinity, or those of the
Margaret Professor, or of any other professor, I will say, it is the
duty of the bishops of the church to consider who are the persons coming
for ordination, and whether they are qualified or not, without taking
into consideration the certificates of the Regius Professor of Divinity,
the head of a house, or any other individual. It is, I contend, the
duty of the bishops to examine into the subject themselves, without
reference to the certificate of any individual whatever. I must observe,
however, with regard to the course adopted by the vice-chancellor, that
I am thoroughly convinced, not only from what that gentleman has stated
to me, but from my knowledge of that gentleman's conduct, and his
character for candour and fairness, that he had the very wisest motives
in pursuing that course, from which he departed as soon as he found that
the bishops of the church had determined upon observing a different
line, conceiving that he was then relieved from all charge and
responsibility in the situation which he held. Such is the history of
that transaction; and I have only to say, with respect to that
gentleman, and with respect to others of the university of Oxford, that
it was their anxious wish and desire to avoid taking any step in
reference to Dr. Hampden, lest it should, in any manner whatever, lead
to what they would consider the greatest possible misfortune--a schism
in the church.

_December_ 21,1837.

* * * * *

A great country cannot wage a little war.

_January_ 16, 1838.

* * * * *

_Conduct of the Canadian Leaders._

I differ entirely from the noble and learned lord in thinking that the
act of 1831 established the British constitution in Canada, for it is
not consistent with the British constitution to leave the civil
government of the country--and especially to leave the judges of the
land--to be provided for by an annual vote of the parliament. I say, my
lords, that the British constitution, for the last hundred and fifty
years at least, has made a fixed and not uncertain provision for
supporting the dignity of the crown, for meeting the expenses attendant
on the administration of the civil government, and most particularly for
the independence of the judges of the land. But is that the state of
things in Lower Canada? No. I maintain that the act of 1831 did not
establish the British constitution in the colonies of Upper and Lower
Canada, but something quite distinct; for it gave to the people a
popular representation, which, in my opinion, is the cause of all the
disputes that have followed, and of the insurrection which has taken
place. It gave individuals the power to create prejudices in the minds
of the people, to weaken the loyalty of the Canadians, and to raise them
in hostility against her majesty's crown and government. And what has
been the object of these individuals in the course which they have
pursued? They have supposed that, by creating dissatisfaction amongst
the people, they could thereby throw off the authority of the crown;
and, by gathering the people around them, overturn the government
established in the colony. Such have been the objects of those
individuals who have been seen running off to the neighbouring
territories of the United States as soon as they found their own persons
exposed to danger. This turned out to be the real state of the case; for
the would-be leaders left the unfortunate people in a state of rebellion
against her majesty's government, and ran off themselves, letting the
unlucky inhabitants return to their houses as best they could; and
forcing them to submit, with the best grace they might, to the mercy of
her majesty's government.

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