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Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington

A >> Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington >> Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century




The noble Lord has said, that Ireland is in a state of great
tranquillity. Now, I certainly must say, that as far as I have heard, I
cannot believe in the existence of that tranquillity. It may be
perfectly true, by moving a large body of troops from the country into a
particular district, together with a great number of police and
magistrates, that, for a moment, tranquillity may be restored to that
district; but there is no gentleman in the country feels himself in a
state of security. There is, however, one test, to which I wish to
bring the noble Secretary of State. I want to know this--has he, in any
one case, carried into execution the provisions of the Tithe Act? Is
there a single instance of any tithe having been collected by Government
under that Act? If the clergy are to be paid out of the Consolidated
Fund, and that Act is not to be enforced, I must say that the noble Lord
may make what boast he pleases as to the state of Ireland; but there is
no man who will believe one word about the tranquillity of Ireland,
until the noble Lord can produce evidence of the collection of some
tithes under that Act.

What I want to see is, the affording of some security to property--some
protection to life; and that some assurance should be given to the peace
of the country being established and preserved.

_July 3, 1832._

* * * * *

_Necessity of conciliating the Protestants of Ireland._

I come now, my Lords, to that part of the subject which is certainly
very painful to me, because I conceive it to be that in which I may say
the Government has been much to blame; and that is, their treatment of
the Protestant Church of Ireland. My opinion is, that in the treatment
of that Church they have certainly thrown the Protestants of Ireland
entirely aside. There is no doubt whatever that the Protestants, who,
like other classes of men, were more or less divided amongst themselves,
are now nearly unanimous in their opinions upon the subject of the
Government. They are nearly all of them, at the present moment, opposed
to the Government--irritated by a strong sense of the injury done to
them, and the insecurity of their situation, which is certainly most
painful to everybody who wishes well to the union between the two
countries.

_July 3, 1832._

_The Church should Educate the People._

We have the Established Church--we have the Established clergy; and the
whole law of the country is, that the clergy of the Established Church
should have the charge of the education of the people, particularly of
Ireland. But, under the proposed system, the schoolmaster is simply to
teach the obligations which are due to society from every individual,
and the pupil is not to refer to divine authority for those
obligations--he is not without permission to refer to that alone which
can render those obligations binding.

July 3,1832.

* * * * *

_The Duke of Wellington's Government opposed to the Appointment of Otho
as King of Greece._

The late government were no parties to the selection of Prince Otho; on
the contrary, he was a person to whose appointment they had objected, as
appears on the face of the protocols; and the objection exists at the
present moment, though not to such an extent as it did, a year and a
half having elapsed since it was first made. I object to the
arrangement now, because the interests of this country have been
essentially altered in the Mediterranean. His Majesty has now essential
duties to perform in the Adriatic. When I see France remaining in
possession of Algiers, notwithstanding the provisions of the treaty, and
when I observe what has been done by her at Ancona, I must say the
interests of this country have been grossly neglected in that quarter.
July 18, 1832

* * * * *

_The giving the Town-franchise to the Catholics, will lead to the
Destruction of the Protestant Church._

The reason assigned for getting rid of the freemen is, because they
would support the Protestant interest in towns. Now, I have no
hesitation whatever in stating, that the interest connected with the
Church and the Protestant institutions of the country must give way it
the franchise is transferred into the hands of the Roman Catholic
population. It is easy to say that there ought to be no difference
between Roman Catholics and Protestants. I wish to God it could be so;
but the circumstances of Ireland are such as to render it necessary,
that a counterpoise should be given to counteract the influence which
the Roman Catholics will acquire by the bill. I wish to carry the
principles of 1829 into effect, and that can not be done if both parties
are placed upon an equal footing. I think it most unfair to give the
Catholic population of towns the power of returning Roman Catholic
Members of Parliament; and I shall, therefore, seeing that the rights of
freemen are to be abolished, object to the 40s. freeholders being
retained.

July 20, 1832

* * * * *

_The Albocracy._

In this country (India), as in all others, there are certain established
qualifications for justices of the peace and for jurymen, and no
disqualification, in any part of the world, is equal to that of colour.
The white man has an influence which the black man has not. This
distinction prevails most in those countries in which a liberal system
of Government has been established, as in the United States of America,
and the various states existing in the southern portion of that
continent. Indeed, a term has been invented to designate it in Columbia,
in which express laws have been made for the support and maintenance of
the "Albocracy."

_August_ 14, 1832.

* * * * *

_Effect of the Savings of the Grey Government_.

I give the noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government full
credit for the diminution in the expenses of the country which has been
effected by the Government, but I cannot help thinking that such
diminutions will prove to be generally detrimental to the country,
inasmuch as they are effected merely for the purpose of meeting a
deficiency in the revenue for the moment. But the fact is, that many of
these reductions are applicable to the army, to the navy, to the
militia, and other most essential services of the country, which,
although not estimated for this year, must be provided for at a future
period. For instance, one branch of these savings is that for training
the militia; the saving, under this head, is 190,000 l.; but it is quite
clear that this sum must again be expended when the militia shall be
trained in future years. Another saving is that of freight, transport,
and provisions of soldiers from one part of the world to another. Now,
it is very true, that during the present year this reduction may be
made, because it does not happen that the change of regiments in the
West India colonies and India takes place; but such will not be the case
in another year, and the expenditure of 45,000 l. on that head, which
does not appear in these estimates, must again occur.

Another item of reduction is in the purchase of timber for the navy
service, which amounts to the very considerable sum of 400,000 l. It is
evident that the magazines of this country must be kept up, and all that
is really done by this apparent saving, is to throw the burden, to this
extent, on future years. With a view to a secure and adequate supply,
and to the proper seasoning of stores, and with a view to the
probability that it may become necessary for his Majesty's service to
make some great exertion, it is impossible that less than double the
amount of the estimate of the present year under this head, can
permanently suffice. Now, it is impossible to look upon these savings in
any other light than as temporary, and I will go so far as to say that
it would have been a much better principle of economy to spend this
money than to save it, if the distressed state of the finances had not
absolutely required the reduction of the expenditure. But I cannot help
taking another view of the subject. It is necessary for the country, and
essential to the character of the Government, that they should look
beyond a mere balance of income and expenditure, with a view to be
prepared for unforeseen emergencies which may arise. Can any body say,
that the Government is now left in the situation in which it ought to be
left with respect to finances? This is the last session of the present
Parliament. A reformed Parliament will meet next session, and it is
impossible for any man to say what will be the conduct of that
Parliament with respect to finance. But this is not the only ground on
which it is desirable that the finances of the country should be in a
more satisfactory state.

I say, my Lords, that I regard these financial difficulties with the
greater apprehension, when I remember that occasions may arise, and are
in fact, likely to arise, in which it may be necessary for his Majesty
to call forth all the resources of the country. When I look to the state
of Ireland, when I turn my attention to our foreign relations, and above
all, when I call to mind the present condition of the Peninsula, I find
it impossible to shut my eyes to the alarming truth, that events are on
the eve of occurring, which may call forth to the utmost, every
exertion which Englishmen are capable of making, and may demand, as I
have said before, all the resources of the empire.

_August_ 15, 1832.

_Policy of the Wellington Administration towards Portugal_.

The noble Earl (Grey) has stated, that the late government was the cause
of the usurpation of Don Miguel. Now that is a mistake in point of time;
for it will be found that Don Miguel was brought to Portugal, when the
noble Viscount opposite, (Viscount Goderich) was at the head of the
government. It is true that I was in office when Don Miguel landed in
Portugal, and when he usurped the government over which he was placed as
Regent. The noble Earl has stated, that at that time the British army
was there, and might have prevented the usurpation. I deny the fact; the
British Army had been withdrawn before the usurpation. It is true that,
before the army was withdrawn, Miguel had dissolved the Chambers, and
had given indications that it was not his intention to carry into effect
the constitution of the country; but he had given no indication of a
resolution to usurp the Sovereign power; and that usurpation was
occasioned by a decree of the Cortes, acquired for that purpose. In
point of fact the army was withdrawn; and even if it had not been
withdrawn, what was its force? Why it only amounted to 5,000 men, which
would not have been enough to effect anything. I deny therefore, that
the government has been the cause of the usurpation. When Don Miguel did
usurp the sovereign authority, the late government did all they could;
they ceased their diplomatic relations with Portugal, and then brought
away the minister from thence.

Then the noble Earl says, that the state of things just mentioned
existed when he came into office; and that the late government was
willing to recognize Don Miguel, provided he would grant a general
amnesty. The noble Earl has omitted to state all. It would have been
fair, had the noble Earl stated what had previously occurred. The first
thing we did was to advise a reconciliation between the two branches of
the House of Braganza, and we referred the question to Brazil. The
Emperor of Brazil was perfectly ready to go to war if we would make war
for him, but he would not go to war himself, because, in fact he had no
resources of his own to do so. What then became our duty? Our duty was
to place Portugal in the society of nations as soon as we could, and to
endeavour to induce Don Miguel to do that which would have the effect of
attaining that object. For that purpose, we called on Don Miguel to
reconcile the country to him, by some act of grace towards those who had
been connected with the former government of the country. But it is not
true that we desired to impose any condition with respect to that act
of grace. The principle on which we invariably acted was to make an act
of amnesty be given without any condition whatever, because it was our
wish not to interfere in any manner whatever with the government of
Portugal; and it would have been interfering, had we made any condition
which we might have been afterwards called upon to enforce. We would not
make ourselves responsible for that amnesty. We urged him repeatedly to
grant it, and if he had done so, he would most undoubtedly have been
recognized; and we fully expected, when that paragraph was inserted in
the King's Speech, that he would have given the amnesty, and have
enabled us to recognize him. I have no hesitation in saying, that I was
exceedingly anxious at that time to recognize this Prince, not because I
disputed the claim or right of the other branch of the House of
Braganza, nor because I ventured to decide upon that right, but I wanted
to do that which was done by the government of this country in a similar
case with respect to France,--I wanted to recognize the authority of the
king _de facto_, in order to enable him to carry on the government of
the country with advantage, not only to himself, and his country, but
also to Europe. If I had remained in office much longer, I would have
done it in order to remove from that country, and from Europe, the
inconveniences which have resulted from the existing state of things in
Portugal. It was not done before, because the amnesty was not given.

Much has been said about the cruelty of this Prince, and the hatred
borne towards him by the people of Portugal; but I think there has been
some extraordinary exaggeration upon that subject. The noble Earl states
that we left things in this state when he left office. It is perfectly
true; but we have, over and over again, pressed upon the noble Earl the
necessity of taking Portugal out of the state in which it was placed,
and of recognizing that government, with a view to prevent that state of
affairs which has since come to puss. The Emperor of Brazil has no power
to enter into a war in favor of his daughter, nor can she be put in
possession of Portugal, except by revolutionary means,--namely, by
employing bands of adventurers, collected in various quarters, and paid
by God knows whom.

_August_ 15, 1832.

* * * * *

_The Civil War in Portugal fomented by Earl Grey's Government_.

I believe if there be any country in the world in which it is both the
duty and interest of England to prevent the existence of hostilities,
that country is Portugal. We are bound by treaties to defend her, as she
is, in case of need, to defend England. It is affirmed that we are under
engagements to preserve a strict neutrality towards the two Princes now
opposed to each other in Portugal; but we are bound in honour and good
policy to protect that country, in which his Majesty's subjects have
such interests invested, and with which they carry on such extensive
commerce: yet the present government have hazarded all these interests
by permitting this war to be carried on there by a foreign power. The
king, in his speech, calls it, indeed, a "civil war." My Lords, it is a
revolutionary war--a war carried on by means furnished in this town, and
for the advance of which the inducement is the hope of plunder. It is
carried on by persons who have no interest in the war excepting plunder.
Yet this is the war which his Majesty has been advised by his servants
to call, upon the assembling of his parliament, "a civil war between the
two branches of the house of Braganza in Portugal." The king is made, by
his Ministers, to declare that he is anxiously desirous to put an end to
this war. "I shall not fail to avail myself of any opportunity that may
be afforded me to assist in restoring peace to a country with which the
interests of my dominions are so intimately connected." Now, I know
something of war, and I know something of war in that country; and I
will tell noble Lords how they can put an end to it at once. Let them
put forth a proclamation recalling his Majesty's subjects from the
service of both parties engaged in the contest,--let them, at the same
time, carry into execution the law of the country; let them, when the
commissioners of the customs, in the execution of their exclusive duty,
seize vessels carrying out troops, ammunition and officers, who, I am
able to prove, are at this moment serving in those armies, leave the
adjudication of such seizures to the proper tribunals; and let not the
King's ministers interfere, and let them employ the British fleet in the
Levant, and other places, to which the attention of his Majesty's
government ought to be directed, instead of being employed in watching
the shores of the Douro and the Tagus--let them do all this, and they
will soon find that peace will be restored to Portugal without any
further sacrifice. But I am sorry to say these are not the measures
adopted by his Majesty's government, nor is the law carried into
execution by that government. My Lords, I engage to prove, that though
the commissioners of the customs did, in the autumn of 1831, detain
certain vessels in the Thames, having on board the very troops,
ammunition, and arms which have been since employed in this war; and
although these commissioners are, by the act of parliament, the persons
appointed to carry it into execution,--they were ordered, by a superior
power, not to interfere.

_February_ 5, 1833.

* * * * *

_Don Miguel de facto King of Portugal_.

Don Miguel having been appointed Sovereign by the Cortes, it was not the
business of the British government to offer any opposition to their
choice; and as long as we continued in office, we were seeking for the
means of recognizing Don Miguel as Sovereign, _de facto_, of Portugal.
In point of fact, I have no doubt, if we had remained in office a
fortnight longer, we should have effected that recognition; for it was
never intended to make the proposed amnesty an indispensable condition
of that step. Our object in recognizing him, was to prevent those
disasters which I apprehended must arise from the conflict of extreme
opinions in the Peninsula.

_February_ 5, 1833.

_The Catholic Oath is a Principle_.

His Majesty has sworn to maintain the established Church of England in
Ireland; and secondly, that in the very last arrangements made to remove
the disabilities, as well of the Dissenters from the church of England
as of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, words were inserted in the oaths
to be taken by them, for the security of the Protestant establishment. I
consider those oaths as principles; and that we ought not to run counter
to them in any manner whatever.

_February_ 5, 1833.

* * * * *

The Protestants of Ireland are the friends of order in Ireland, and they
are the natural friends and connections of England. I entreat you never
to lose sight of this important truth.

_February_ 5, 1833.

* * * * *

_The Game Laws increase Poaching_.

Since the passing of the Game Act, poaching has enormously increased. It
is consistent with my own knowledge, also, that as regards my own
estate, until this law passed, there was little or no poaching upon it,
but that evil has greatly increased since that period. In fact, not long
since, I lost a servant in an affray with poachers, and I at once
determined to give up preserving game; but I was induced to relinquish
my intention in consequence of learning that the keeper, whom I was
about to discharge, could not get employment in any other part of the
country. This, alone, is the reason why I still preserve my game. I am
thoroughly convinced that, in the neighbourhood in which I reside,
poaching has increased threefold since the passing of the present Act. I
think that result is entirely owing to the circumstance that the person
who is in possession of the game is entitled to carry it away and sell
it, and cannot be questioned as to the manner in which it came into his
possession.

_May 31, 1833._

* * * * *

_Importance of Portugal to England._

If there be any nation in the world for which more than another this
country feels--and justly feels--an interest, it is Portugal. The
alliance between this country and Portugal is among the most ancient to
be found in the history of nations; it is an alliance repeatedly
recognised by all Europe; it is one from which this country has derived
advantage almost from a period beyond memory; and for the preservation
of which, in better times than these, and in order to rescue that
country out of the hands of her enemies, she has expended her best blood
and treasure.

_June 3, 1833._

* * * * *

_The Emancipation Act of 1833 a Premature Measure_.

In the discussions on the abolition of the slave trade, it was more than
once declared by the advocates of that measure, that they had no
intention of following it up by an attempt at the abolition of slavery;
but, on the contrary, those who contended most strenuously for the
abolition of the slave trade, declared that it was not intended that it
should be followed up by the abolition of slavery in the colonies, but
that their intention was, by means of the abolition of the slave trade,
to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, and improve the state of
society in the colonies. But I will not believe, from all that I have
heard and read, that even the most earnest advocates of the abolition of
the slave trade intended, immediately, to follow up the amelioration of
the condition of the slave, by the total abolition of slavery. That men
should look forward to the abolition of slavery in the colonies as
consequent on the improvement in the state of society, and the state of
slavery, is probable; and there is no doubt that a great improvement has
resulted from the abolition of the slave trade, coupled with the
measure, but that the one step should be considered as an immediate
consequence of the other, I altogether deny; and I appeal with
confidence to the discussions which formerly took place.

* * * * *

In all countries, where it is proposed to make large bodies of slaves
free, the first thing that is described as necessary to be considered
is, whether the country is in a condition to bear the change; the
second, whether the slave whom it is proposed to constitute a freeman,
will work for hire? These are points with respect to which it has always
been considered necessary to have full and convincing proof before
emancipation should be granted. The noble Earl tells us that, in this
instance, there is no proof to the contrary. I think that there is proof
to the contrary. We have heard of the adoption of a measure of this
nature within the province of Colombia. But supposing it to be true,
that 100,000 liberated negroes have shewn a disposition to labour, or
have actually laboured for hire in Colombia, still I contend that that
circumstance affords no proof whatever that the same results would
follow from the liberation 700,000 or 800,000 negroes in the British
possessions. But I by no means concur with the noble Earl as to the
sufficiency of the case of Colombia, as a case in point. I have the
authority of a very intelligent person, who was resident in Colombia at
the time that the transaction took place, and who, in writing upon the
subject, states positively that the experiment was a most dangerous one;
and that although the liberated negroes laboured for awhile, yet that a
few years afterwards, they could not be got to work at all. This is
further proved by the fact, that in the course of four or five years it
was found necessary to introduce a measure for the promotion of
agriculture, which measure, it was admitted, was called for, in
consequence of the great difficulty that was found in getting the free
negroes to work.

_June_ 23, 1833.

_Difficulty of preventing free labour in the Colonies anticipated_.

Look at our own colonies in tropical climates, and see whether you can
find any disposition in the free negro to work in the low grounds. If
you look at Surinam, or any other of the tropical climates, where free
negroes are to be found, you will find a total absence of any
disposition, on their part, to work for hire, or for any other
consideration whatever. But says the noble Earl, "the negroes work in
Africa;" of that fact, begging the noble Earl's pardon, I do not think
he can produce any proof; but even supposing that he could, I contend
that the fact does not bear upon this question--the question here is not
whether the negro, in a state of freedom, will work in Africa, but
whether, being made free, he will voluntarily labour in the low grounds
in our possessions within the tropics? I say, that there is no proof of
such labour on the part of negroes, in any part of the world. In one
quarter of the globe, in which I have some knowledge, I am certainly
aware that men do labour very hard for hire in low grounds within the
tropics; but those men are in a condition but little removed from
absolute slavery, because they are the lowest in a state of society,
which from them upwards is divided into the strictest castes. But in our
West India possessions the case is very different; there, this
difficulty from the moment of their first discovery, to the present
hour, has always existed; a difficulty arising from the circumstance,
that in those tropical climates, a man instead of working for hire,
works only for food,--and having obtained that food, which he can
procure by very little exertion, he thinks of nothing save the luxury of
reposing in listless idleness beneath the shade. That is the great
difficulty which surrounds this question.

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