Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington

A >> Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington >> Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century

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* * * * *

I request your Lordships to look at the state of the savings banks. A
measure was sometime back adopted to prevent the investment of money in
these banks beyond a certain amount for each person, in order that the
parties not entitled to it should not derive the advantage which is
intended for the poorer classes. Large sums were drawn out of those
banks soon after; but they have since revived in some degree. Whence has
the money come? From the lower classes. This cannot be considered as a
proof of general distress. Your Lordships ought likewise not to omit
from your consideration the increased traffic carried on the railroads
and canals in the country. The noble Earl (Roseberry) has told your
Lordships, that I have availed myself of the increased traffic upon the
roads and canals by merchants and manufacturers--in despair seeking a
market--in order to represent the country in a state of prosperity;
whereas it is an additional symptom of distress. My Lords, I said that
this traffic had been increasing for years; and that it had, in some
cases, doubled in ten years. In one of the recent discussions in this
House, upon the currency, the noble Marquis opposite (the Marquis of
Lansdowne) very truly remarked,--that a large quantity of currency might
be found in a country in which there should be little riches and
prosperity; and that the facility and rapidity of the circulation of the
currency were signs of the prosperity of a country, rather than the
quantity of that currency. I entirely concur in the truth and justice of
this observation. But I would beg to ask the noble Marquis whether it is
possible that transactions can increase and multiply as they have done
in this country, in the last few years, without giving fresh scope for
the circulation of the currency of the country, fresh employment for
labour, and occasioning, in some degree, the augmentation of general
prosperity.

_Feb. 25, 1850._

* * * * *

_Causes of Manufacturing Distress, over which Parliament can have no
Control._

There can be no doubt that there has been, of late years, a great
increase of manufactures and manufactured produce in this country. It is
true, that this produce has given to the manufacturer but little
profit, and that the wages of the manufacturing labourer are low; but,
as I will show presently, the circumstance, equally with the cause of
the agricultural distress, is beyond legislative control.

My Lords, it is impossible to consider this branch of the subject
without adverting likewise to the state of the commerce of the country.
The produce of the manufactures of the country is greater than the
country can consume; and, consequently, the price and the reward of the
labourer must depend upon the foreign demand, as well as upon the demand
at home.

In respect to the distress felt by manufacturing labourers, there can be
no doubt that the wages of manual labour have been lowered by the
successful application of steam to the movement of machinery for the
purpose of manufacture. Here, my Lords, is a cause of distress over
which the Legislature has no practical control. As I go further in my
observations upon the speech of the Noble Earl (Stanhope) who made the
motion,[12] I will point out other causes of distress equally beyond the
control of the Legislature.

[Footnote 12: For an inquiry into the state of the nation.]

My Lords, let me beg to call to the recollection of the House the state
in which the world was at the end of the war in the years 1814 and 1815.
Europe was absolutely overrun with armies, and had been so for about
twenty years. There was absolutely nothing but armies in the world, and
nothing was thought of but the means of sustaining them. Except in
France and this country, there were but few manufacturers in Europe; but
when the peace took place, all the world became manufacturers. I have
already stated, that the country manufacturing more than it consumes, is
under the necessity of resorting to foreign countries, and foreign
markets with its produce, where this produce necessarily comes in
competition with the manufactured produce of foreign countries, brought
there by cheaper labour, and by machinery worked by steam. The prices in
those foreign countries, of necessity, govern the prices in this
country. Here again is a cause of the existing distress, over which it
will be admitted, that the Legislature can have no control. Nothing that
it is in our power to do, will raise prices abroad; and till these
prices shall be raised, the prices of our produce must continue low, and
profits and wages must be low likewise.

But, my Lords, low as the prices of our produce are, compared with those
of former years, those of other countries have fallen in a still greater
proportion. My Lords, I will read, from a paper I hold in my hand, a few
extracts of prices in different parts of the country, since the peace of
1814. Raw cotton in England, in 1814 and 1815, sold at 2s. 2d. the
pound, or with duty included at 2s. 4d. In 1816 and 1817 it sold at 1s.
8d1/2., and in 1829, at 6d. This was a fall in price greater than had
taken place in any other article. Silk, in 1814, sold for 1l. 4s., or
with duty included, 1l. 9s.; whilst in 1829 it sold for 8s. 10d., or
with the duty, 8s. 11d. the pound. Spanish wool, in 1814, sold for 8s.
2d., or with the duty, at 8s. 3d.; whilst in 1829 it sold for only 2s.
3d., or with the duty at 2s. 4d. Another article, that of fir-timber,
fell in proportion. It was then 3l. 14s. 11d. the load, and with the
duty, 10l. 5s.; it is now 2l. 5s., and with the duty, 4l. 19s. This fall
in the price of foreign produce, and in our domestic manufactures, added
to the advantage which the master manufacturers derived from the use of
machinery moved by steam, and from the lowness of wages, have given them
a greater advantage; and have enabled them to make a profit,
notwithstanding the fall of prices of the produce of their manufactures
since the war.

On articles of manufacture the prices are still lower than those of corn
and other agricultural produce. Cotton yarn, which sold for 4s. 4-1/2d.
the pound in 1814, in 1830 sells for 1s. 5-1/2d.; and cotton
manufactured goods have altered in price within the same period from 1s.
5d. to 1s. 8d. and 2s. 0-1/2d., to 6-1/4d., 8-3/4d., and 8-1/2d., or
nearly a third. Irish linens have fallen from 1s. 7d. to 1s. 0-3/4d.;
woollen cloths in the same proportion. Other articles have been reduced
enormously in price by the competition with foreigners. In those
articles in which there is no competition with foreigners, prices have
been reduced, but not in the same proportion; such, for instance, as in
the iron, the pottery, and other trades. Here, then, are causes
evidently beyond the control of Parliament. Parliament cannot raise the
price of manufactured goods--the thing is impossible.

_February 25, 1830._

_Principle of Reduction in the Public Service._

When offices become vacant, the Government always consider whether the
public service could not go on without their being filled up; the next
point is, to consider whether the place could not be filled up by some
persons who already receive half-pay or pensions, so that the half-pay
or pension might be saved to the public. We have tried to reduce the
list of pensions of the army and navy, by keeping men in the service the
full time they ought to serve, according to the original institutions of
the army. I should deceive the House by saying that savings could be
beneficial if made at the expense of individuals who must be thrown on
the public as soon as they were made.

_February 23, 1830._

* * * * *

_The Corn Law of 1828 worked well._

The measure of 1828 has worked well to promote the objects which the
Legislature had in view in passing it, by preventing the price of corn
from rising so high in a season of scarcity as to be injurious to the
country at large, and particularly to that part of the population
engaged in manufacture; whilst, both in that season and the season which
followed, the price has been sufficient to give the agriculturist a
fair value for his commodity. In the second year of the existence of
that law, a greater import of corn took place than ever, to the extent
of 5,000,000 of quarters, of which 2,500,000 were from Ireland, and the
prices have not been lowered in this country, beyond what is deemed a
remunerating price to the agriculturists. With reference to another
branch of Agriculture, I have means of proving that the prices received
for other articles of agricultural produce, such as meat, timber, &c.
are equal to what they were in times when the country paid a very large
amount of taxes, and the Bank Restriction Act was in force.

_Feb. 26, 1830._

* * * * *

I am convinced the corn laws cannot be repealed without injury to the
country.

_Feb. 25, 1830._

* * * * *

_Establishments necessary to maintain the National Honour._

It is perfectly true, that this island is but a small portion of the
globe, yet its interests are extended over all the world, and must be
maintained, though at a great expense. Now the expense necessary for the
maintenance of the honour and interests of this country (and over that
alone have we any control), is at present only 12,000,000 l. of money;
for there has been a decrease, in the present and last sessions of
Parliament of not less than 2,000,000 l. on this part of the
expenditure; and your Lordships must know that there are other portions
of the national expenditure, which cannot be touched at all. With
respect to that part which cannot be touched, his Majesty's Government
have effected all that they possibly could. Having said this, I must
claim for myself and my colleagues in office, credit for an anxious
desire to do everything in our power to diminish the expenditure. With
respect to the amount of expenses incurred on account of our Colonies, I
believe that the number of troops in the old colonies and places
occupied by a military force previously to 1792, is now reduced lower
than it was in that year. This country, however, in the course of the
last war, made very considerable conquests; those conquests require for
their maintenance large bodies of men, and, consequently, create a great
additional expense. They require for their protection very nearly as
many troops as the old colonies. Before the war we were not masters of
the Cape of Good Hope, of the Mauritius, or of Ceylon. In the
Mediterranean, we had no station, unless Gibraltar can be deemed one,
which is not the case now. My Lords, it is obvious, that all the new
stations which we have acquired, demand a larger force for their
protection. These things considered, it appears to me, that the military
establishment has been reduced as far as it can be reduced, a proper
regard being had to the interests of the empire.

_March 4, 1830._

_Difficulty of Legislating on the Poor Laws._

It should be recollected that some of the greatest men that ever lived
in England--including Mr. Pitt and Mr. Whitbread--attempted to deal with
the difficult subject of the poor laws, and failed. It is a subject
equally important, difficult, and complicated. The system, as far as
local practice and arrangements go, varies in almost every parish of
England more or less; and, I repeat, it is almost impossible to deal
with it successfully. We ought not to enter into the subject of the poor
laws hastily, or at an inopportune period like the present. It will be
better to wait till the country is restored to a state of complete
prosperity, and then investigate the subject with a proper degree of
attention.

_March 18, 1830._

* * * * *

_The Home Market is the best._

The greatest difficulty is experienced by our manufacturers in exporting
their manufactures. In some countries there is a total prohibition of
them; in others there is an extremely high duty; and in all there is
much competition and jealousy. The Government, in every one of those
foreign countries, seems to do everything in its power to prevent the
sale of British manufactures. I am convinced, if we went to the
Continent, and purchased all the corn in Poland, not an additional
article should we be able to force into France, Germany, Prussia, or
Russia, If the merchants of this country were allowed freely to purchase
grain, foreign subjects would get as much for their corn as they
possibly could; but their rulers would not allow a single article of our
manufactures to be imported in consequence of our being obliged to buy,
or in return for our buying the grain of those countries. There is,
undoubtedly, a certain quantity of manufactures in this country more
than the population itself can consume, which it would be very desirable
to get rid of. But, my Lords, is it exactly true, that taking foreign
corn would have the effect of enabling other countries to purchase them?
And even if such were the case, what are we to do with our own corn?

Now, my Lords, if the buying corn of the Pole, the Russian, or the
Prussian, enable them to give high prices for our manufactures, why do
not you give the same advantages to those nearer home? For my own part,
I believe, after all, that the home market is our best resource, and
that there we dispose of the greatest proportion of our manufactured
articles. It has, and I think with truth, been stated, that two-thirds
of the whole quantity of our manufactures are disposed of in this
country. The whole of our woollen and the whole of our silk manufactures
are consumed here; and of iron and other manufactures, a very
considerable portion. I ask, then, if such profits are to be derived
from an exchange with a foreign market, why do you not cultivate the
home, which is admitted to be decidedly the best market of all. I think
the more this matter is discussed, the more will the country see that
the interests of one class of the community involve the interests of
all. We are not to look merely to the interests of the cotton
manufacturers, or of the iron manufacturers. That which we are bound to
consider is the benefit of all; and, in my opinion, the common good will
be most effectually secured, by getting the greatest quantity of
provisions for the whole community,--by giving a proper remuneration to
those who produce such provisions,--and thus encouraging them to do that
which is most beneficial to the community at large.

_March 29, 1830._

* * * * *

_How far the principle of Equitable Adjustment should be carried._

The noble Lord (Viscount Goderich), speaking with his usual candour on
the subject of the equitable adjustment, admitted the existence of an
increase of price during some years of the war generally, and
consequently of public expense and of debt, to the amount of 20 per
cent, in consequence of the depreciation of the currency; and he has
made a calculation of a supposed equitable adjustment, founded upon his
estimate of the expense of the war for some years, and of the debt
created by the excess of price. It is true that there was a very large
increase of prices in England during the war; that this increase of
prices increased the expense of the war; and the amount of debt
successively raised. But it is not true that the excess of prices was
occasioned solely by the paper currency. Many other circumstances
occasioned it; and in my opinion, my noble friend has admitted too much
in admitting that the annual payment on account of the debt has been
increased to the amount of 3,500,000 l. in consequence of the paper money
circulated during the war.

Having frequently heard of an equitable adjustment, which, however, is
absolutely impracticable as a measure to be applied solely to the
national creditor, it has always appeared to me, that such an
arrangement could be calculated only on the foundation of the difference
between the currency, or the market price of gold, and the mint price of
gold, at the period at which the Bank restriction was repealed, or in
the year 1812. That difference was at that period about 4 per cent; or
the difference between 3l. 17s. 10-1/2d., and 4l. 1s. The annual payment
on account of the debt at that time, amounted to about 30,000,000 l.
sterling; upon which what is called an equitable adjustment might, at
that time, have been made to the amount of 5 per cent., or 1,200,000 l.
In making this supposed equitable adjustment, we should have betrayed
the honour of the country; we should have destroyed its credit and
reputation for fair dealing, justice, and honesty; and, for this paltry
diminution of the annual expense of the debt in 1819, we should have
lost the advantages since acquired, as detailed to the House by my noble
friend, amounting to a diminution of the annual charge of the debt, not
of 1,200,000 l., but nearly of 5,500,000 l. or the interest of
150,000,000 l. of capital at 3 per cent. This is a fair calculation of
the comparative advantage of what has been done, and what might have
been done, by a supposed equitable adjustment.

_May 6th, 1830._

* * * * *

_The Shipping Interest has not been Neglected._

These reciprocity treaties were adopted with a view to decrease the
price of freight in this country to our merchants, and with a view to
their taking in abroad, and bringing home, their commodities at a
cheaper cost of transit. These treaties were, my Lords, framed with a
foresight of the state of commerce which was likely to ensue in the
world in future times which were then immediately before us. We were,
therefore, to diminish the expense of shipping to meet the new
contingencies; and to enable those engaged in commerce to carry on their
trade under all the difficulties of a new situation; and the object of
those laws was to lower the price of commodities for that purpose. What
was the result?--profits upon specific articles became reduced; but
since the year 1814 the trade in them has nearly doubled. What the
shipping interest then lost in the reduced amount of freight per
tonnage, they regained in the greater number of voyages which commerce
opened to them.

_May 13th, 1830._

* * * * *

_Eulogium on George IV._

My lords, our late Sovereign received the best education which this
country affords. He had, also, the singular advantage of having passed
all the earlier period of his life, and the greater part of his manhood,
under the superintendence of the King, his father, and subsequently in
the society of the most eminent men whom this country possessed; and he
likewise enjoyed the society of the most distinguished foreigners who
resorted to this country. His Majesty's manners accordingly received a
polish, his understanding acquired a degree of cultivation, almost
unknown in any other individual. My Lords, he carried those advantages
to the Government to which he was afterwards called, first as a Regent,
and afterwards as reigning sovereign. During the whole course of his
government no man ever approached him without having evidence of his
dignity, his condescension, his affability, and his fitness for the
exalted station which he occupied. But these advantages, which shewed so
conspicuously the polish of manner which he possessed, were not only
observed by persons immediately around him, for I appeal to many of your
Lordships who have transacted the business of the country which required
an interview with the sovereign, whether his Majesty did not upon every
occasion display a degree of knowledge and talent not to be expected of
an individual holding his high station, and a profound acquaintance with
public business even in its most minute details. But this is not all, he
was a most munificent patron of the arts in this country and the whole
world. He possessed a larger collection of the eminent productions of
his own country's artists, than any individual, and it is as an
individual, of him I here speak. The taste and judgment he displayed in
these collections have never been excelled by any sovereign.

I would also beg to call to your Lordships' recollection the situation
in which he found England and Europe in the year 1810, when he became
Regent, and the situation in which he has left Europe and this country.
If your Lordships look upon the great and stirring events of his reign,
under what circumstances it commenced and terminated, I think you will
agree with me in the sentiment, that we have reason to feel proud of
such a sovereign.

_June 29th, 1830_

* * * * *

_Principle of advances of Money for Public Works._

A noble Lord has cited an opinion of mine with respect to the advance of
money for public works; to the principle laid down in the letter to
which he alludes, I still adhere,--that no money should be advanced as a
grant, for works of that description, even though they may be very
useful; but, my Lords, I repeat, that there is a great distinction
between on advance of money and a loan. The application of the
proprietors of the Thames Tunnel, was for an advance of money, and not a
loan; the parties, there, were not in a condition to pay the interest
even of the money to be advanced, and therefore the application was
refused, but my Lords, in the present case the money is advanced on the
security of the tolls payable on a canal; yet even on that ground it
would not be advanced, unless it were shown that the work will be of
advantage not only to the province, but to the empire at large.

_July 2nd, 1830_

* * * * *

_Declaration against Parliamentary Reform._

I now come to another point touched upon in his Majesty's speech, from
which, as well as the allusions to it to-night, I have experienced
considerable pain; I allude to the state of the public mind in Kent.
Upon this point I cannot help agreeing in what fell from the noble
Marquis, (Camden) the Lord Lieutenant of that county, who spoke early in
the evening, namely,--that it is not to be exactly attributed to the
distress prevailing there. It certainly does appear, from all I have
heard, that the outrages are carried on by two different sets of people;
one of which attack machinery, which they think interferes with their
labour; and the other of which are engaged in burning and destroying
property. What the immediate cause of these disturbances is, the
government know no more than the magistrates and gentlemen of the
county. We shall do all in our power in concert with these magistrates,
and the Lord Lieutenant, to discover it; and, in the mean time, we shall
afford them aid to put the law in force in order to prevent them.

This brings me to the recommendation which the noble Earl (Grey) has
made, not only to put down these disturbances, but to put the country in
a state to meet and overcome the dangers which are likely to result from
the late transactions in France, namely,--the adoption of something in
the nature of parliamentary reform. The noble Earl has stated that he is
not prepared, himself, to come forward with any measure of the kind; and
I will tell him that neither is the government. Nay, I will go farther,
and say, that I have not heard of any measure, up to this moment, which
could in any degree satisfy my mind, or by which the state of the
representation could be improved or placed on a footing more
satisfactory to the people of this country than it now is.

I will not now enter upon the discussion of this subject, as I dare say
we shall have plenty of opportunities for doing so; but I will say, that
I am thoroughly convinced that England possesses, at this moment, a
legislature which answers all the good purposes of a legislature, in a
higher degree than any scheme of government that ever has been found to
answer in any country in the world;--that it possesses the confidence of
the country--that it deservedly possesses that confidence--and that its
decisions have justly the greatest weight and influence with the people.
Nay, my Lords, I will go yet farther and say, that if, at this moment, I
had to form a legislature for any country, particularly for one like
this, in possession of great property of various descriptions, although,
perhaps, I should not form one precisely such as we have, I would
endeavour to produce something which would give the same
results--namely, a representation of the people, containing a large body
of the property of the country, and in which the great landed
proprietors have a preponderating influence.

In conclusion I beg to state, that not only is the government not
prepared to bring forward any measure of this description, but that as
far as I am concerned, whilst I have the honour to hold the situation I
now do amongst his Majesty's councillors, I shall always feel it my duty
to oppose any such measures when brought forward by others.

_November 2, 1830._

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