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Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington

A >> Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington >> Maxims And Opinions Of Field Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century




_Would sacrifice his Life to prevent one Month of Civil War._

I am one of those who have, probably, passed a longer period of my life
engaged in war than most men, and principally in civil war; and, I must
say this, that if I could avoid, by any sacrifice whatever, even one
month of civil war in the country to which I was attached, I would
sacrifice my life in order to do it. I say, there is nothing which
destroys property, eats up prosperity by the roots, and demoralizes the
character, to the degree that civil war does; in such a crisis, the hand
of man is raised against his neighbour, against his brother, and against
his father; servant betrays master, and the whole scene ends in
confusion and devastation. Yet, my Lords, this is the resource to which
we must have looked--these are the means which we must have applied, in
order to have put an end to this state of things, if we had not made the
option of bringing forward the measures, for which, I say, I am
responsible. But let us look a little further. If civil war is so bad,
when it is occasioned by resistance to the Government, if it is so bad
in the case I have stated, and so much to be avoided, how much more is
it to be avoided, when we are to arm the people, in order that we may
conquer one part of them, by exciting the other part against them?

_April 2, 1829._

* * * * *

_Defence of the Government from the Charge of Inconsistency._

Another subject to which I wish to advert, is a charge brought against
several of my colleagues, and also against myself, of a want of
consistency in our conduct. My Lords, I admit that many of my
colleagues, as well as myself, did on former occasions, vote against a
measure of a similar description with this; and my Lords, I must say,
that my colleagues and myself felt, when we adopted this measure, that
we should be sacrificing ourselves, and our popularity to that which we
felt to be our duty to our sovereign and our country.

We knew very well that if we put ourselves at the head of the Protestant
cry of "No Popery," we should be much more popular even than those who
have excited that very cry against us. But we felt that, in so doing, we
should have left on the interests of the country a burden, which must
end in bearing them down; and further, that we should deserve the hate
and execration of our countrymen. The noble Earl on the cross bench
(Winchelsea) has adverted particularly to me, and has mentioned in terms
of civility the services which he says I have rendered to the country;
but I must tell the noble Earl that be those services what they may, I
rendered them through good repute, and through bad repute, and that I
was never prevented from rendering them by any cry which was excited
against me at the moment. Then, I am accused by a noble and learned
friend of mine, (the Earl of Eldon) of having acted with great secresy
respecting this measure. Now I beg to tell my noble and learned
friend--and I am sorry that, in the course of these discussions,
anything has passed which has been unpleasant to my noble and learned
friend,--I beg to tell him, I say, that, he has done that to me in the
course of this discussion which he complains of others having done to
him;--in other words, he has, in the words of a right honourable friend
of his and mine, thrown a large paving stone, instead of throwing a
small pebble stone. I say, that if my noble and learned friend accuses
me of acting with secresy on this question, he does not deal with me
altogether fairly. He knows, as well as I do, how the Cabinet was
constructed on this question; and I ask him, had I any right to say a
single word to any man whatsoever on this measure, until the person most
interested in the kingdom upon it had given his consent to my speaking
out? I say, that before my noble and learned friend accused me of
secresy, and improper secresy too, he ought to have known the precise
day upon which I received the permission of the highest personage in
this country; and he ought not to have accused me of improper conduct,
until he knew the day on which I had leave to open my mouth upon this
measure. There is another point also upon which the noble Earl accused
me of misconduct, and that is that I did not at once dissolve the
parliament. Now, I must say, that I think noble Lords are mistaken in
the notion of the benefits which they think they would derive from a
dissolution of parliament at this crisis. I believe that many of them
are not aware of the consequences and of the inconveniences of a
dissolution of parliament at any time. But when I knew, as I did know,
and as I do know, the state of the elective franchise in Ireland in the
course of last summer,--when I knew the consequences which a dissolution
would produce on the return to the house of commons, to say nothing of
the risk which must have occurred at each election,--of collisions that
might have led to something little short of civil war,--I say, that
knowing all these things, I should have been wanting in duty to my
Sovereign, and to my country, if I had advised his Majesty to dissolve
his parliament.

_April 4, 1829._

* * * * *


_No Danger to the Church from the Emancipation Bill._

It has been repeatedly assumed by many of your Lordships in the course
of the discussion, but particularly by the right reverend Prelates who
have spoken, that the church of Ireland (or, as I have recently been
reminded, the church of England in Ireland) is in danger. I call on
those who apprehend that danger to state clearly whether that danger, on
this particular occasion, is more to be expected as resulting from
legislation, or from violence. If they say it is resulting from
legislation, I answer that their apprehensions are puerile. It is
impossible to suppose that a small number of persons admitted into this
house, and a small number admitted into the other house, while we have a
Protestant Sovereign upon the throne, should be productive of
legislative danger to the church of England in Ireland. I beg to
observe, with respect to the point relating to the union of the two
countries, that a fundamental article of the union is the junction of
the two Churches, called the United Churches of England and Ireland. It
is impossible, therefore, that any mischief can occur to the Church of
Ireland, without a breach in the union of the two countries. There is
another point to which I beg leave to advert for a moment. Although it
is true that we do admit into parliament members of the Roman Catholic
persuasion, yet, at the same time, by another measure brought forward
with it, and on which we equally rely, we propose regulations which will
have the effect of destroying the influence of the Catholic priesthood
in the election of members of parliament. We have carefully examined the
measure, and do expect that it will give additional security to all the
interests of the state.

_April 4, 1829._

* * * * *


_English Soldiers respect the Religion of other Nations._

Although I have served in my profession in several countries, and among
foreigners, some of whom professed various forms of the Christian
religion, while others did not profess it at all; I never was in one in
which it was not the bounden duty of the soldier to pay proper deference
and respect to whatever happened to be the religious institutions or
ceremonies of the place where he might happen to be. We soldiers do not
go into these foreign countries to become parties to the religious
differences of the people, or to trouble ourselves with their notions
upon matters of faith. We go to perform a very different kind of
duty,--one which is purely military, and has no reference to the
people's religion. I confess I never heard, however, that it was our
custom to take any part in their religious rites, nor do I believe we
have taken any such part. Indeed, I have never heard of anything like
any co-operation by our soldiers of military parade, except at Malta,
where I know it has long been the practice of the garrison to direct
some artillery officers to cause a few small guns to be fired, as some
particular procession passes the platform. And I know that certain
officers of the artillery, or military, three of them, I believe,
thought proper on military grounds, and not upon religious scruples, to
refuse to fire, according to the usual order of their commandant--for
such refusal they were brought to a court-martial, and sentenced to be
cashiered, not because they would not form a part of any religious
procession to which they were hostile--not because they would not
conform to the rites of the natives, and worship any relic that was
honoured by them; but for this plain and intelligible reason,--that they
had taken upon themselves to refuse obedience to the orders of the
commander-in-chief on the spot.

_April 8, 1829._

* * * * *

_The real meaning of Irish Agitation._

If you glance at the history of Ireland during the last ten years, you
will find that agitation really means something just short of rebellion;
that, and no other, is the exact meaning of the word. It is to place the
country in that state in which its government is utterly impracticable,
except by means of an overawing military force.

_May 4, 1829._

_Theory of a Metallic Currency._

The restoration of the currency, my Lords, has, in truth, but little to
do with the distress of the country. Since the restoration of the
currency, the revenue has risen to the amount which has been stated to
your Lordships, notwithstanding the repeal of taxes to the amount of
27,000,000 l., since 1814. The fact is, that at the present moment, the
revenue produces, in real currency, much more than it produced when the
war was terminated. Is not that circumstance alone, I ask your
Lordships, a proof of the increasing prosperity of the country? But, my
Lords, I did not rest my argument on that fact only. Notwithstanding,
there is, at present, much distress, still, in the last year, there was
an increase of produce in every branch of manufacture, in every branch
of industry, beyond what was apparent in the three preceding years.
Under these circumstances, your Lordships must ascribe the distress of
the country to something else, rather than to the alteration of the
currency. My opinion is, that the people, during the lengthened war
which existed previously to the peace of 1815--during that period, when
there was an enormous expenditure--acquired habits which they cannot
readily throw aside. During that time, any man, of whatever description
of credit, could obtain money, or the semblance of money, to carry on
any speculation. The people then employed a fictitious wealth; they
proceeded on a system, which could not be continued, without mining and
destroying the country; and that system having been destroyed, that
fictitious wealth having been removed, they cannot immediately come down
to those quiet habits, which are required from them under that state of
things now prevailing in the empire. That, my Lords, is the real cause
of the distress under which they are at present suffering. Besides, your
Lordships will recollect, that the population of the country has
enormously increased; and it should also be taken into the calculation,
that the power of production by machinery has increased in an
incalculable degree. As much can now be produced in one year, as
formerly could be produced in five years; and the produce of one year
now amounts to more than can be taken off our hands in a year and a
half, or even two years. Distress, therefore, has occurred,
notwithstanding that the utmost exertions have been made to repel it;
and notwithstanding the great and general prosperity of trade throughout
the world. My Lords, the plain fact is, that owing to the alterations of
trade--a great demand at one time, and a want of demand at another--the
manufacturers, and those engaged in commercial pursuits, must sustain
considerable distress at different periods. It has been recommended as a
remedy, that Government should go back to the system of the circulation
of the notes. Now, my Lords, with respect to the one-pound bank
notes--it will be well to recollect what has been the proceeding of
Parliament on that subject. In 1826, Parliament having seen the facility
with which speculations could be undertaken by persons possessing no
capital, in consequence of the circulation of those one-pound
bank-notes--looking to the evils that resulted from those speculations,
and finding that a great number of banks in the country had failed in
consequence of such speculations--thought proper to pass a law to
prevent the circulation of this species of paper, after the lapse of
three years. A noble Lord has said, that this measure of Parliament
occasioned the failure of a great number of country bankers. But, I beg
the noble Lord's pardon, he has not stated the fact correctly. Most of
the banks which about that period failed, it ought to be recollected,
broke previously to the meeting of Parliament. The fact is, that it was
the breaking of the banks which occasioned the measure, and not the
measure the breaking of the banks. But we have now accomplished the
measure adopted in 1826; that measure is now carried into execution; the
currency of the country is now sufficient; bank notes, 5l., and above
5l., in value, are in circulation; and I will assert this fact, that
there is at present more of what I may call State currency in
circulation--more notes of the Bank of England and sovereigns--a greater
quantity of circulating medium of those two denominations, than there
has been at any former period before the late war, or before the Bank
Restriction Act was passed. I beg leave, my Lords, to ask, what want is
there of any additional circulation, when the circulation is at present
greater than it ever was? Is it necessary to have a more extended
circulation, to afford the means of procuring loans of money to those
who have no capital and no credit? I contend that this is a state of
things that ought not to exist in any country. Persons who really
possess credit, can raise money at the present moment with every
facility that is reasonable or proper. But, undoubtedly, those who have
no credit, are deprived of the facilities of borrowing money, which they
formerly enjoyed, because there is no longer a large class of persons
dealing in one-pound notes, to assist them in carrying on their
speculations. This is the real state of the case. It was this situation
of affairs that gave rise, and justly gave rise, to the measure of
1826--a measure which, I trust, that Parliament will persevere in, for
the purpose of placing the country in a proper state. It has been said
truly, that nothing is so desirable as to see the country carrying on
its mercantile transactions with a paper currency founded on, and
supported by, a metallic basis. Now, your Lordships must be aware, that
is exactly the sort of currency which the country has got at present;
and, in proportion as the country goes on conquering its
difficulties--the existence of that currency still being continued--we
shall see prosperity daily revive, and we shall see mercantile
transactions carried on as they ought to be, without any mixture of
those ruinous speculations, to which so much of the prevailing distress
must be attributed. But, my Lords, the noble Lord in tracing out the
sources of this distress, has omitted one of the great causes of it. He
has not adverted to the immense loss of capital which has been sustained
by the country during the last six or eight years, in consequence of
loans to foreign powers--of which neither principal or interest has been
paid, nor ever will, in my opinion, be paid. The noble Lord has not
adverted to the effect which that loss of capital must have produced,
with respect to the employment of industry in all parts of the country.
In the next place, the noble Lord has not adverted to the effect which
those loans must have had on the trade and manufactures of the country,
in consequence of the glut in foreign markets, occasioned by the forced
exportation of goods on account of such transactions. In most instances,
my Lords, no returns were made on account of those goods, and even when
returns were made, they were of the most unsatisfactory description. The
noble Lord has not adverted to the fact, that these returns, when any
were received, came home in the shape of interest, and did not, of
course, require any demand or export from this country. Surely all these
things should be considered, when the noble Lord speaks of the distress
the country is labouring under. That distress has fallen not only on the
manufacturing and commercial interests, but also on those who have
encouraged and embarked in the various schemes and speculations which
have done the country so much mischief.

_May 26, 1829._

* * * * *


_Extended Currency means unlimited creation of Paper Money by
Individuals._

I will now say a few words upon the remedy proposed by the noble Lord
(the Earl of Carnarvon), who has totally misunderstood the argument of
the noble Viscount (Goderich). My noble Friend stated that the revenue,
in 1815, was 80,000,000 l. sterling, in paper currency; that taxes were
first of all repealed to the amount of 18,000,000 l., and afterwards to
the amount of 9,000,000 l., making in all 27,000.000 l.; and he says that
the revenue now produces, in a sound currency, as great an amount as it
produced in a depreciated currency; that is to say, that it produces now
a sum, in sound currency, which, in paper currency, would amount to
80,000,000 l. sterling. Those persons who consume the articles which
produce the revenue, must be able to purchase them, or the revenue could
not exist. The increase of the revenue is a proof, then, that
consumption has increased full one-third since the time when the taxes
were reduced. It is utterly impossible that a country in which, within a
period of fifteen years, the revenue has risen one-third, can be
suffering universal and unexampled distress. The noble Lord has thought
proper to refer the distress to a deficient circulation, and he
recommends a system which he thinks would remedy the evil. Now, I will
tell the noble Earl that the largest amount of currency in circulation,
at any time during the Bank Restriction Act, was 65,000,000 l. sterling.
The Bank of England notes were 20,000,000 l.; country bank paper,
23,000,000 l.; gold, 4,000,000 l.; and, silver, 7,000,000 l. But, in 1830,
the amount of Bank of England paper in circulation is 19,900,000 l.; and,
of country bank paper, 9,200,000 l.; of gold, 28,000,000 l.; and, of
silver. 8,000,000 l.; making a total of 65,000,000 l. It is certain,
therefore, that there is more money in circulation now, than there was
at any period of the Bank restriction. There can be no want, therefore,
of more currency. The noble Earl says he wants an extended currency; but
what he, in fact, wants, is not an extended currency, but an unlimited
currency. He would give an unlimited power to certain individuals, not
to the Crown, to coin as much money as they please. The noble Lord wants
to give them the power of lending capital to whomsoever they might think
proper thus to indulge. That is what the noble Lord recommends, but that
is what, I say, cannot be allowed, without bringing the country again to
the brink of ruin, from which it was extricated in the year 1826.

The noble Lord tells you that, heretofore, a farmer, with a good stock,
was able to borrow capital to carry on his business; but that now, let
his corn-yard be ever so full, he cannot borrow a shilling, because the
banker has not the power of giving him one-pound notes. The noble Lord
says--the banker gets no interest upon his own capital, and therefore
will not lend it. My Lords, the banker who lends his capital to a
farmer, or trader, does obtain interest for the use of it, in the shape
of discount upon the bill, or other security, which the borrower gives
him. The question with him, at present, is one of security, and not of
profit. If the banker should lend, under existing circumstances, he must
lend his own real capital, and not a fictitious capital in the shape of
one pound notes, created for the purpose. He must be certain that the
security given to him is good and available, as it ought to be; and if
he is not satisfied with the profits arising from the use of his
capital, it is because he thinks the risk is so great as not to be
covered by the profits. The noble Lord would wish to pledge your
Lordships, by your votes this night, to give the country bankers
additional profits, by enabling them to coin money, or to create
fictitious paper to any extent, and thus to create a fictitious capital.

_February 4, 1830._

* * * * *


_Taxes reduced under a Metallic Currency._

In answer to all the declamations we have heard this night respecting
the evils resulting from a metallic currency, I beg leave to remind the
House of some facts; since the year 1815, and principally since the Bank
restriction was taken off, measures have been adopted to relieve the
country of taxes to the amount of 27,000,000 l. sterling; and measures
have been also adopted which have reduced the charges of the national
debt between 3,000,000 l. and 4,000,000 l. a year, that being the interest
on nearly 100,000,000 l. sterling. I beg your Lordships will bear this
circumstance in mind; and let me tell you, that all the advantages of a
so-called equitable adjustment will never equal the advantage already
obtained from an adherence to the principles of justice and good faith.


_February 4, 1830._

_Causes of Manufacturing Distress._

I wish to know whether the competition of machinery and the universal
application of steam which has been generally introduced since the
peace, have not occasioned a decrease in the demand for labour, and have
not lowered the wages of labour in manufactures? Must we not take into
consideration the general spirit of manufacture abroad, the competition
of foreign nations in foreign markets, and the universal use of
machinery worked by steam? How can we control the subjects of foreign
powers? We must seek foreign markets for our surplus produce. How can we
prevent steam from creating competition abroad in the sale of that
produce, as well as a fall in the wages of manufactures, and thus
occasioning a part of the distress complained of?

_Feb. 4, 1830._

* * * * *


_Distress exaggerated._

If the exports of Great Britain have gone on increasing for some
years--if they were greater last year than in any former year--if the
amount of our exports is now greater than ever it was,--I say, not only
that these are the strongest symptoms of the prosperity of the country
increasing, but that the distress cannot be so great and unexampled as
the noble Earl (Carnarvon) would make it. There is not a rail-road, or a
common road, or a canal in the country, on which the traffic has not
increased every year during the last few years, and particularly in the
last year. It may be true that there is a diminution of profit in
commercial transactions in general; but profit there must be, or men
would not devote themselves for years to these pursuits. Money would not
be laid out in the conveyance from place to place of the produce and
manufactures of the country. The traffic being greater than ever it was
before, it is impossible but what it must be to the advantage of
somebody. The distress then cannot be so universal as represented. The
profit and advantage may not be so great as they were some years back;
but still advantage there is.

There are other circumstances well worthy the attention of the House in
the consideration of this subject. The retail dealers are a very
numerous body in this country. Consider of their profits. Look at nearly
every market town in the kingdom, and many villages in progress towards
being rebuilt. Who pays the money for re-building these houses? Who pays
the increased rents for them? Are the people ruined who require and can
pay for these new houses? My Lords, these are facts which do shew that,
notwithstanding the existing distress which every man must deplore, the
country, in spite of the pressure upon it, is upon the whole, rising.

_Feb. 4, 1830._

* * * * *


_Proofs of National Improvement in 1830._

Among other topics of accusation, I have been arraigned for my
assertion on the first day of the session, that the distress of the
country was not of that magnitude which some persons have affirmed. The
noble Lord (Stanhope) is quite at liberty to indulge in such invectives
if it pleases him to do so, but if he supposes I do not feel for the
distresses of the people, he is utterly mistaken, as I can sincerely
aver that I have as strong sympathies on the subject as any noble member
of this house. But I am resolved to tell plainly and honestly what I
think, quite regardless of the odium I may incur from those whose
prejudices my candour and sincerity may offend. I am here to speak the
truth and not to flatter the prejudices and prepossessions of any man.
In speaking the truth, I shall utter it in the language that truth
itself most naturally suggests.

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