A Short History of Scotland by Andrew Lang

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In 1754 an Act "annexed the forfeited estates of the Jacobites who had
been out (or many of them) inalienably to the Crown." The estates were
restored in 1784; meanwhile the profits were to be used for the
improvement of the Highlands. If submissive tenants received better
terms and larger leases than of old, Jacobite tenants were evicted for
not being punctual with rent. Therefore, on May 14, 1752, some person
unknown shot Campbell of Glenure, who was about evicting the tenants on
the lands of Lochiel and Stewart of Ardshiel in Appin. Campbell rode
down from Fort William to Ballachulish ferry, and when he had crossed it
said, "I am safe now I am out of my mother's country." But as he drove
along the old road through the wood of Lettermore, perhaps a mile and a
half south of Ballachulish House, the fatal shot was fired. For this
crime James Stewart of the Glens was tried by a Campbell jury at
Inveraray, with the Duke on the bench, and was, of course, convicted, and
hanged on the top of a knoll above Ballachulish ferry. James was
innocent, but Allan Breck Stewart was certainly an accomplice of the man
with the gun, which, by the way, was the property neither of James
Stewart nor of Stewart of Fasnacloich. The murderer was anxious to save
James by avowing the deed, but his kinsfolk, saying, "They will only hang
both James and you," bound him hand and foot and locked him up in the
kitchen on the day of James's execution. {293} Allan lay for some weeks
at the house of a kinsman in Rannoch, and escaped to France, where he had
a fight with James Mor Macgregor, then a spy in the service of the Duke
of Newcastle.

This murder of "the Red Fox" caused all the more excitement, and is all
the better remembered in Lochaber and Glencoe, because agrarian violence
in revenge for eviction has scarcely another example in the history of
the Highlands.

CONCLUSION.

Space does not permit an account of the assimilation of Scotland to
England in the years between the Forty-five and our own time: moreover,
the history of this age cannot well be written without a dangerously
close approach to many "burning questions" of our day. The History of
the Highlands, from 1752 to the emigrations witnessed by Dr Johnson (1760-
1780), and of the later evictions in the interests of sheep farms and
deer forests, has never been studied as it ought to be in the rich
manuscript materials which are easily accessible. The great literary
Renaissance of Scotland, from 1745 to the death of Sir Walter Scott; the
years of Hume, a pioneer in philosophy and in history, and of the Rev.
Principal Robertson (with him and Hume, Gibbon professed, very modestly,
that he did not rank); the times of Adam Smith, of Burns, and of Sir
Walter, not to speak of the Rev. John Home, that foremost tragic poet,
may be studied in many a history of literature. According to Voltaire,
Scotland led the world in all studies, from metaphysics to gardening. We
think of Watt, and add engineering.

The brief and inglorious administration of the Earl of Bute at once gave
openings in the public service to Scots of ability, and excited that
English hatred of these northern rivals which glows in Churchill's
'Satires,' while this English jealousy aroused that Scottish hatred of
England which is the one passion that disturbs the placid letters of
David Hume.

The later alliance of Pitt with Henry Dundas made Dundas far more
powerful than any Secretary for Scotland had been since Lauderdale, and
confirmed the connection of Scotland with the services in India. But,
politically, Scotland, till the Reform Bill, had scarcely a recognisable
existence. The electorate was tiny, and great landholders controlled the
votes, whether genuine or created by legal fiction--"faggot votes."
Municipal administration in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth
centuries was terribly corrupt, and reform was demanded, but the French
Revolution, producing associations of Friends of the People, who were
prosecuted and grievously punished in trials for sedition, did not afford
a fortunate moment for peaceful reforms.

But early in the nineteenth century Jeffrey, editor of 'The Edinburgh
Review,' made it the organ of Liberalism, and no less potent in England
than in Scotland; while Scott, on the Tory side, led a following of
Scottish penmen across the Border in the service of 'The Quarterly
Review.' With 'Blackwood's Magazine' and Wilson, Hogg, and Lockhart;
with Jeffrey and 'The Edinburgh,' the Scottish metropolis almost rivalled
London as the literary capital.

About 1818 Lockhart recognised the superiority of the Whig wits in
literature; but against them all Scott is a more than sufficient set-off.
The years of stress between Waterloo (1815) and the Reform Bill (1832)
made Radicalism (fostered by economic causes, the enormous commercial and
industrial growth, and the unequal distribution of its rewards) perhaps
even more pronounced north than south of the Tweed. In 1820 "the Radical
war" led to actual encounters between the yeomanry and the people. The
ruffianism of the Tory paper 'The Beacon' caused one fatal duel, and was
within an inch of leading to another, in which a person of the very
highest consequence would have "gone on the sod." For the Reform Bill
the mass of Scottish opinion, so long not really represented at all, was
as eager as for the Covenant. So triumphant was the first Whig or
Radical majority under the new system, that Jeffrey, the Whig pontiff,
perceived that the real struggle was to be "between property and no
property," between Capital and Socialism. This circumstance had always
been perfectly clear to Scott and the Tories.

The watchword of the eighteenth century in literature, religion, and
politics had been "no enthusiasm." But throughout the century, since
1740, "enthusiasm," "the return to nature," had gradually conquered till
the rise of the Romantic school with Coleridge and Scott. In religion
the enthusiastic movement of the Wesleys had altered the face of the
Church in England, while in Scotland the "Moderates" had lost position,
and "zeal" or enthusiasm pervaded the Kirk. The question of lay
patronage of livings had passed through many phases since Knox wrote, "It
pertaineth to the people, and to every several congregation, to elect
their minister." In 1833, immediately after the passing of the Reform
Bill, the return to the primitive Knoxian rule was advocated by the
"Evangelical" or "High Flying" opponents of the Moderates. Dr Chalmers,
a most eloquent person, whom Scott regarded as truly a man of genius, was
the leader of the movement. The Veto Act, by which the votes of a
majority of heads of families were to be fatal to the claims of a
patron's presentee, had been passed by the General Assembly; it was
contrary to Queen Anne's Patronage Act of 1711,--a measure carried,
contrary to Harley's policy, by a coalition of English Churchmen and
Scottish Jacobite members of Parliament. The rejection, under the Veto
Act, of a presentee by the church of Auchterarder, was declared illegal
by the Court of Session and the judges in the House of Lords (May 1839);
the Strathbogie imbroglio, "with two Presbyteries, one taking its orders
from the Court of Session, the other from the General Assembly" (1837-
1841), brought the Assembly into direct conflict with the law of the
land. Dr Chalmers would not allow the spiritual claims of the Kirk to be
suppressed by the State. "King Christ's Crown Honours" were once more in
question. On May 18, 1843, the followers of the principles of Knox and
Andrew Melville marched out of the Assembly into Tanfield Hall, and made
Dr Chalmers Moderator, and themselves "The Free Church of Scotland." In
1847 the hitherto separated synods of various dissenting bodies came
together as United Presbyterians, and in 1902 they united with the Free
Church as "the United Free Church," while a small minority, mainly
Highland, of the former Free Church, now retains that title, and
apparently represents Knoxian ideals. Thus the Knoxian ideals have
modified, even to this day, the ecclesiastical life of Scotland, while
the Church of James I., never by persecution extinguished (_nec tamen
consumebatur_), has continued to exist and develop, perhaps more in
consequence of love of the Liturgy than from any other cause.

Meanwhile, and not least in the United Free Church, extreme tenacity of
dogma has yielded place to very advanced Biblical criticism; and Knox,
could he revisit Scotland with all his old opinions, might not be wholly
satisfied by the changes wrought in the course of more than three
centuries. The Scottish universities, discouraged and almost destitute
of pious benefactors since the end of the sixteenth century, have
profited by the increase of wealth and a comparatively recent outburst of
generosity. They always provided the cheapest, and now they provide the
cheapest and most efficient education that is offered by any homes of
learning of mediaeval foundation.

FOOTNOTES

{2} A good example of these Celtic romances is 'The Tain Bo Cualgne.'

{4} The best account of Roman military life in Scotland, from the time
of Agricola to the invasion by Lollius Urbicus (140-158 A.D.), may be
studied in Mr Curie's 'A Roman Frontier Post and Its People' (Maclehose,
Glasgow, 1911). The relics, weapons, arms, pottery, and armour of Roman
men, and the ornaments of the native women, are here beautifully
reproduced. Dr Macdonald's excellent work, 'The Roman Wall in Scotland'
(Maclehose, 1911), is also most interesting and instructive.

{10} For the Claims of Supremacy see Appendix C. to vol. i. of my
'History of Scotland,' pp. 496-499.

{20} Lord Reay, according to the latest book on Scottish peerages,
represents these MacHeths or Mackays.

{27} 'Iliad,' xviii. 496-500.

{36} As Waleys was then an English as much as a Scottish name, I see no
reason for identifying the William le Waleys, outlawed for bilking a poor
woman who kept a beer house (Perth, June-August, 1296), with the great
historical hero of Scotland.

{38} See Dr Neilson on "Blind Harry's Wallace," in 'Essays and Studies
by Members of the English Association,' p. 85 ff. (Oxford, 1910.)

{52} The precise date is disputed.

{57} By a blunder which Sir James Ramsay corrected, history has accused
James of arresting his "whole House of Lords"!

{61} The ballad fragments on the Knight of Liddesdale's slaying, and on
"the black dinner," are preserved in Hume of Godscroft's 'History of he
House of Douglas,' written early in the seventeenth century.

{67} The works of Messrs Herkless and Hannay on the Bishops of St
Andrews may be consulted.

{71} See p. 38, note 1.

{89} Knox gives another account. Our evidence is from a household book
of expenses, _Liber Emptorum_, in MS.

{91} As to the story of forgery, see a full discussion in the author's
'History of Scotland,' i. 460-467. 1900.

{94} There is no proof that this man was the preacher George Wishart,
later burned.

{96} A curious controversy is constantly revived in this matter. It is
urged that Knox's mobs did not destroy the abbey churches of Kelso,
Melrose, Dryburgh, Roxburgh, and Coldingham: that was done by Hertford's
army. If so, they merely deprived the Knoxian brethren of the pleasures
of destruction which they enjoyed almost everywhere else. The English,
if guilty, left at Melrose, Jedburgh, Coldingham, and Kelso more
beautiful remains of mediaeval architecture than the Reformers were wont
to spare.

{99} This part of our history is usually and erroneously told as given
by Knox, writing fifteen years later. He needs to be corrected by the
letters and despatches of the day, which prove that the Reformer's
memory, though picturesque, had, in the course of fifteen years, become
untrustworthy. He is the chief source of the usual version of Solway
Moss.

{106} The dates and sequence of events are perplexing. In 'John Knox
and the Reformation' (pp. 86-95) I have shown the difficulties.

{111a} The details of these proceedings and the evidence for them may be
found in the author's book, 'John Knox and the Reformation,' pp. 135-141.
Cf. also my 'History of Scotland,' ii. 58-60.

{111b} See 'Affaires Etrangeres: Angleterre,' xv. 131-153. MS.

{118} Mary's one good portrait is that owned by Lord Leven and Melville.

{129} I have no longer any personal doubt that Mary wrote the lost
French original of this letter, usually numbered II. in the Casket
Letters (see my paper, "The Casket Letters," in 'The Scottish Historical
Review,' vol. v., No. 17, pp. 1-12). The arguments tending to suggest
that parts of the letter are forged (see my 'Mystery of Mary Stuart') are
(I now believe) unavailing.

{137} I can construe in no other sense the verbose "article." It may be
read in Dr Hay Fleming's 'Reformation in Scotland,' pp. 449, 450, with
sufficient commentary, pp. 450-453.

{144} It appears that there was both a plot by Lennox, after the Raid of
Ruthven, to seize James--"preaching will be of no avail to convert him,"
his mother wrote; and also an English plot, rejected by Gowrie, to poison
both James and Mary! For the former, see Professor Hume Brown, 'History
of Scotland,' vol. ii. p. 289; for the latter, see my 'History of
Scotland,' vol. ii. pp. 286, 287, with the authorities in each case.

{156} Of these versions, that long lost one which was sent to England
has been published for the first time, with the previously unnoticed
incident of Robert Oliphant, in the author's 'James VI. and the Gowrie
Mystery.' Here it is also demonstrated that all the treasonable letters
attributed in 1606-1608 to Logan were forged by Logan's solicitor, George
Sprot, though the principal letter seems to me to be a copy of an
authentic original. That all, _as they stand_, are forgeries is the
unanimous opinion of experts. See the whole of the documents in the
author's 'Confessions of George Sprot.' Roxburghe Club.

{181} Colkitto's men and the Badenoch contingent.

{182} Much has been made of cruelties at Aberdeen. Montrose sent in a
drummer, asking the Provost to remove the old men, women, and children.
The drummer was shot, as, at Perth, Montrose's friend, Kilpont, had been
murdered. The enemy were pursued through the town. Spalding names 115
townsmen slain in the whole battle and pursuit. Women were slain if they
were heard to mourn their men--not a very probable story. Not one woman
is named. The Burgh Records mention no women slain. Baillie says "the
town was well plundered." Jaffray, who fled from the fight as fast as
his horse could carry him, says that women and children were slain. See
my 'History of Scotland,' vol. iii. pp. 126-128.

{186a} Craig-Brown, 'History of Selkirkshire,' vol. i. pp. 190, 193.
'Act. Parl. Scot.,' vol. vi. pt. i. p. 492.

{186b} 'Act. Parl. Scot.,' vol. vi. pt. i. p. 514.

{187} Hume Brown, vol. ii. p. 339.

{208} The Boot was an old French and Scottish implement. It was a
framework into which the human leg was inserted; wedges were then driven
between the leg and the framework.

{225} Many disgusting details may be read in the author's 'Life of Sir
George Mackenzie.'

{226} Hume Brown, ii. 414, 415.

{250} Dr Hay Fleming finds no mention of this affair in the Minutes of
the Societies.

{254a} All this is made clear from the letters of the date in the Stuart
Papers (Historical Manuscript Commission).

{254b} In addition to Saint Simon's narrative we have the documentary
evidence taken in a French inquiry.

{264} See 'The King over the Water,' by Alice Shield and A. Lang.
Thackeray's King James, in 'Esmond,' is very amusing but absolutely false
to history.

{265} 'The Porteous Trial,' by Mr Roughead, W.S.

{287} See the author's 'History of Scotland,' iv. 446-500, where the
evidence is examined.

{290} 'Register of Decreets,' vol. 482.

{293} Tradition in Glencoe.

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