Stephen A. Douglas by Allen Johnson

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Thereafter treason had no abiding place within the limits of the State
of Illinois. And no one, it may be safely affirmed, could have so
steeled the hearts of men in Southern Illinois for the death grapple.
In a manly passage in his speech, Douglas said, "I believe I may with
confidence appeal to the people of every section of the country to
bear witness that I have been as thoroughly national as any man that
has lived in my day. And I believe if I should make an appeal to the
people of Illinois, or of the Northern States, to their impartial
verdict; they would say that whatever errors I have committed have
been in leaning too far to the Southern section of the Union against
my own.... I have never pandered to the prejudice and passion of my
section against the minority section of the Union." It was precisely
this truth which gave him a hearing through the length and breadth of
Illinois and the Northwest during this crisis.

The return of Douglas to Chicago was the signal for a remarkable
demonstration of regard. He had experienced many strange home-comings.
His Democratic following, not always discriminating, had ever accorded
him noisy homage. His political opponents had alternately execrated
him and given him grudging praise. But never before had men of all
parties, burying their differences, united to do him honor. On the
evening of his arrival, he was escorted to the Wigwam, where hardly a
year ago Lincoln had been nominated for the presidency. Before him
were men who had participated jubilantly in the Republican campaign,
with many a bitter gibe at the champion of "squatter sovereignty."
Douglas could not conceal his gratification at this proof that,
however men had differed from him on political questions, they had
believed in his loyalty. And it was of loyalty, not of himself, that
he spoke. He did not spare Southern feelings before this Chicago
audience. He told his hearers unequivocally that the slavery question,
the election of Lincoln, and the territorial question, were so many
pretexts for dissolving the Union. "The present secession movement is
the result of an enormous conspiracy formed more than a year since,
formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months
ago." But this was no time to discuss pretexts and causes. "The
conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to
accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man
must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals
in this war; _only patriots_--_or traitors_."[997] It was the first
time he had used the ugly epithet.

Hardly had he summoned the people of Illinois to do battle, when again
he touched that pathetic note that recurred again and again in his
appeal at Springfield. Was it the memory of the mother of his boys
that moved him to say, "But we must remember certain restraints on
our action even in time of war. We are a Christian people, and the war
must be prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian nations. We
must not invade Constitutional rights. The innocent must not suffer,
nor women and children be the victims." Before him were some who felt
toward the people of the South as Greek toward barbarian. But Douglas
foresaw that the horrors of war must invade and desolate the homes of
those whom he still held dear. There is no more lovable and admirable
side of his personality than this tenderness for the helpless and
innocent. Had he but lived to temper justice with mercy, what a power
for good might he not have been in the days of reconstruction!

The summons had gone forth. Already doubts and misgivings had given
way, and the North was now practically unanimous in its determination
to stifle rebellion. There was a common belief that secession was the
work of a minority, skillfully led by designing politicians, and that
the loyal majority would rally with the North to defend the flag.
Young men who responded jubilantly to the call to arms did not doubt,
that the struggle would be brief. Douglas shared the common belief in
the conspiracy theory of secession, but he indulged no illusion as to
the nature of the war, if war should come. Months before the firing
upon Fort Sumter, in a moment of depression, he had prophesied that if
the cotton States should succeed in drawing the border States into
their schemes of secession, the most fearful civil war the world had
ever seen would follow, lasting for years. "Virginia," said he,
pointing toward Arlington, "over yonder across the Potomac, will
become a charnel-house.... Washington will become a city of
hospitals, the churches will be used for the sick and wounded. This
house 'Minnesota Block,' will be devoted to that purpose before the
end of the war."[998] He, at least, did not mistake the chivalry of
the South. Not for an instant did he doubt the capacity of the
Southern people to suffer and endure, as well as to do battle. And he
knew--Ah! how well--the self-sacrifice and devotion of Southern women.

The days following the return of Douglas to Chicago were filled also
with worries and anxieties of a private nature. The financial panic of
1857 had been accompanied by a depression of land values, which caused
Douglas grave concern for his holdings in Chicago, and no little
immediate distress. Unable and unwilling to sacrifice his investments,
he had mortgaged nearly all of his property in Cook County, including
the valuable "Grove Property" in South Chicago. Though he was always
lax in pecuniary matters, and, with his buoyant generous nature,
little disposed to take anxious thought for the morrow, these heavy
financial obligations began now to press upon him with grievous
weight. The prolonged strain of the previous twelve months had racked
even his constitution. He had made heavy drafts on his bodily health,
with all too little regard for the inevitable compensation which
Nature demands. As in all other things, he had been prodigal with
Nature's choicest gift.

Not long after his public address Douglas fell ill and developed
symptoms that gave his physicians the gravest concern. Weeks of
illness followed. The disease, baffling medical skill, ran its
course. Yet never in his lucid moments did Douglas forget the ills of
his country; and even when delirium clouded his mind, he was still
battling for the Union. "Telegraph to the President and let the column
move on," he cried, wrestling with his wasting fever. In his last
hours his mind cleared. Early on the morning of June 3d, he seemed to
rally, but only momentarily. It was evident to those about him that
the great summons had come. Tenderly his devoted wife leaned over him
to ask if he had any message for his boys, "Robbie" and "Stevie." With
great effort, but clearly and emphatically, he replied, "Tell them to
obey the laws and support the Constitution of the United States." Not
long after, he grappled with the great Foe, and the soul of a great
patriot passed on.

"I was ever a fighter, so--one fight more,
The best and the last!
I would hate that death bandaged my eyes, and forbore,
And bade me creep past.
No! let me taste the whole of it, fare like my peers
The heroes of old,
Bear the brunt, in a minute pay glad life's arrears
Of pain, darkness and cold."

With almost royal pomp, the earthly remains of Stephen Arnold Douglas
were buried beside the inland sea that washes the shores of the home
of his adoption. It is a fitting resting place. The tempestuous waters
of the great lake reflect his own stormy career. Yet they have their
milder moods. There are hours when sunlight falls aslant the subdued
surface and irradiates the depths.

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 979: Holland, Life of Lincoln, p. 301.]

[Footnote 980: _Ibid._, p. 302.]

[Footnote 981: Arnold, Lincoln, pp. 200-201. The date of this dispatch
should be April 14, and not April 18.]

[Footnote 982: Forney, Anecdotes, I, p. 224.]

[Footnote 983: New York _Tribune_, April 18.]

[Footnote 984: Forney, Anecdotes, I, p. 225.]

[Footnote 985: Herndon-Weik, Lincoln, II, p. 249 note; Forney,
Anecdotes, I, p. 225.]

[Footnote 986: Many friends of Douglas have assured me of their
unshaken belief in this story.]

[Footnote 987: Forney, Anecdotes, I, pp. 121, 226.]

[Footnote 988: Philadelphia _Press_, April 26, 1861.]

[Footnote 989: Philadelphia _Press_, April 26, 1861.]

[Footnote 990: The Philadelphia _Press_, April 26, 1861, reprinted the
speech from the Wheeling _Intelligencer_ of April 21, 1861.]

[Footnote 991: J.D. Cox, Military Reminiscences of the Civil War, I,
pp. 5-6.]

[Footnote 992: Mr. Horace White in Herndon-Weik, Lincoln, II, pp.
126-127.]

[Footnote 993: Senator Cullom of Illinois, quoted in Arnold, Lincoln,
p. 201, note.]

[Footnote 994: Mr. Horace White in Herndon-Weik, Lincoln, II, pp.
126-127.]

[Footnote 995: Arnold, Lincoln, p. 201, note.]

[Footnote 996: The speech was printed in full in the New York
_Tribune_, May 1, 1861.]

[Footnote 997: The New York _Tribune_, June 13th, and the Philadelphia
_Press_, June 14th, published this speech in full.]

[Footnote 998: Arnold, Lincoln, p. 193. See also his remarks in the
Senate, January 3, 1861.]

INDEX

Abolitionism, debate in the Senate on, 124-126.

Abolitionists, in Illinois, 156, 158-160;
agitation of, 194-195.

Adams, John Quincy, on Douglas, 72, 76, 89, 98;
catechises Douglas, 111, 113.

Albany Regency, 10.

Anderson, Robert, dispatch to War Department, 442;
moves garrison to Port Sumter, 451.

Andrews, Sherlock J., 11.

Anti-Masonry, in New York, 10.

Anti-Nebraska party. _See_ Republican party.

"Appeal of the Independent Democrats," origin, 240;
assails motives of Douglas, 241.

Arnold, Martha, grandmother of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.

Arnold, William, ancestor of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.

Ashmun, George, 475, 476, 477.

Atchison, David R., pro-slavery leader in Missouri, 223;
favors Nebraska bill (1853), 225;
and repeal of Missouri Compromise, 225, 235;
and Kansas-Nebraska bill, 256.

Badger, George E., 215.

"Barnburners," 132.

Bay Islands, Colony of, 209, 213.

Bell, John, presidential candidate, 425, 429, 440.

Benjamin, Judah P., quoted, 402, 453.

Benton, Thomas H., 44, 117, 223.

Berrien, John M., 185.

Bigler, William, 333, 335, 417, 446.

Bissell, William H., 305.

Black, Jeremiah S., controversy with Douglas, 409-410.

"Black Republicans," origin of epithet, 275;
arraigned by Douglas, 296, 297, 304, 374-375.

"Blue Lodges" of Missouri, 283, 286.

Boyd, Linn, 182.

Brandon, birthplace of Douglas, 5, 9, 69.

Brandon Academy, 7, 9.

Breckinridge, John C., 382;
presidential candidate (1860), 427, 428, 435, 440-441.

Breese, Sidney, judge of Circuit Court, 52;
elected Senator, 62;
and Federal patronage, 118-119;
director of Great Western Railroad Company, 168-170;
retirement, 158, 171.

Bright, Jesse D., 119, 417.

Broderick, David C., and Lecompton constitution, 335;
and English bill, 347;
killed, 411.

Brooks, S.S., editor of Jacksonville _News_, 19, 20, 25, 40.

Brooks, Preston, assaults Sumner, 298.

Brown, Albert G., 247, 340, 341, 397-398, 402.

Brown, John, Pottawatomie massacre, 299;
Harper's Ferry raid, 411, 412.

Brown, Milton, of Tennessee, 89.

Browning, O.H., 66, 67, 115.

Buchanan, James, candidacy (1852), 206;
nominated for presidency (1856), 276-278;
indorses Kansas-Nebraska bill, 279 _n._;
elected, 306;
appoints Walker governor of Kansas, 324-325;
interview with Douglas, 328;
message, 328-329;
advises admission of Kansas, 338;
orders reinforcement of Sumter, 452.

Bulwer, Sir Henry, Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 209.

Butler, Andrew P., 119, 137, 216.

Calhoun, John, president of Lecompton Convention, 327.

Calhoun, John C., 120;
on Abolitionism, 124;
and Douglas, 125;
radical Southern leader, 127, 138;
on the Constitution, 140.

California, coveted by Polk, 109;
Clayton Compromise, 130;
Polk's programme, 133;
statehood bill, 134;
controversy in Senate, 135-142;
Clay's resolutions, 176;
new statehood bill, 181-184;
the Omnibus, 184-186;
admitted, 187.

Canandaigua Academy, 9, 10.

Carlin, Thomas, 42, 45, 51.

Cass, Lewis, defends Oregon policy, 99;
introduces Ten Regiments bill, 120;
Nicholson letter, 128;
presidential candidate, 132;
candidacy (1852), 206;
and Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 209;
and Monroe Doctrine, 211;
on Kansas-Nebraska bill, 245-246;
candidacy (1856), 277;
on Sumner, 296.

Charleston Convention, delegates to, 413, 416;
organization of, 417;
Committee on Resolutions, 418;
speech of Payne, 418-419;
speech of Yancey, 419;
speech of Pugh, 419-420;
minority report adopted, 420;
secession, 420;
balloting, 420-421;
adjournment, 421.

Chase, Salmon P., joint author of the "Appeal," 240-241;
and Kansas-Nebraska bill, 247; 249;
assailed by Douglas, 251-252.

Chicago, residence of Douglas, 309;
investments of Douglas in, 310.

Chicago Convention, 425.

Chicago _Press and Tribune_, on Douglas, 349;
declares Springfield resolutions a forgery, 370.

Chicago _Times_, Douglas organ in Northwest, 305, 328.

Chicago University, gift of Douglas to, 310.

Clark Resolution (1861), 452.

Clay, Henry, compromise programme, 176;
and Douglas, 183-184;
and Utah bill, 186-187;
on passage of compromise measures, 189.

Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 209-214.

Clayton, John M., 119;
on Oregon, 130;
_entente_ with Bulwer, 209-210;
assailed by Cass and Douglas, 211-212;
replies to critics, 213-214;
on Kansas-Nebraska bill, 247-248.

Clingman, Thomas L., 425, 444, 466.

Colfax, Schuyler, 348.

Collamer, Jacob, 289, 338, 446-447.

Colorado bill, 456;
substitute of Douglas for, 457, 459-460;
slavery in, 456, 458-459.

Committee on Territories, Douglas as chairman, in House, 99-100;
in Senate, 119-120;
Douglas deposed, 395.

Compromise of 1850, Clay's resolutions, 176-177;
speech of Douglas, 177-181;
compromise bills, 181-182;
committee of thirteen, 183-184;
debate in Senate, 184-187;
passage, 187;
finality resolution, 194-195; 197;
principle involved, 189-190.

Constitutional Union party, possibility of, 349;
nominates Bell, 425;
prospects, 428.

Cook, Isaac, 418.

Crittenden Compromise, 446-447;
indorsed by Douglas, 447-448;
proposed referendum on, 449;
opposed by Republicans, 452;
defeated, 463.

Crittenden, John J., favors Douglas's re-election, 382;
compromise resolutions, 446-447;
efforts for peace, 448, 452, 463.

Cuba, acquisition of, favored by Douglas, 199, 208, 396-397.

Cutts, J. Madison, father of Adele Cutts Douglas, 255, 316.

Danites, Mormon order, 90;
Buchanan Democrats, 382.

Davis, Jefferson, and Douglas, 189;
and Kansas-Nebraska bill, 237-238;
and Freeport doctrine, 399 ff., 413;
resolutions of, 415-416;
assails Douglas, 423;
on candidates and platforms, 424;
on Southern grievances, 444;
on committee of thirteen, 446;
permits attack on Sumter, 474.

Davis, John, 119.

Democratic party, Baltimore convention (1844), 79;
campaign, 80-81;
platform, 84, 98-99, 104-105;
convention of 1848, 131-132;
Cass and Barnburners, 132-133;
convention of 1852, 204-206;
campaign, 207;
Cincinnati convention, 276-278;
platform and candidate, 278-279;
"Bleeding Kansas," 299 ff.;
election of 1856, 305-306;
Charleston convention, 413 ff.;
Davis resolutions, 415-416;
minority report, 418-420;
secession, 420;
adjournment, 421;
Baltimore convention, 426-428;
Bolters' convention, 428;
campaign of 1860, 429-441.

_Democratic Review_, and candidacy of Douglas (1852), 200-202.

Dickinson, Daniel S., 128, 382.

Divorce, Douglas on, 33-34.

Dixon, Archibald, and repeal of Missouri Compromise, 235-236;
and Nebraska bill, 239.

Dodge, Augustus C., Nebraska bill of, 228;
favors two Territories, 239.

Doolittle, James R., 446.

Douglas, Adele Cutts, wife of Stephen A., 316-317;
leader in Washington society, 336-337;
in campaign of 1858, 383;
in campaign of 1860, 438;
calls upon Mrs. Lincoln, 462; 476, 489.

Douglas, Martha (_nee_ Martha Denny Martin), daughter of
Robert Martin, 145;
marries Stephen A. Douglas, 147;
inherits father's estate, 148;
death, 208.

Douglas, Stephen Arnold.
_Early years_:
ancestry and birth, 4-5;
boyhood, 5-7;
apprentice, 8-9;
in Brandon Academy, 9;
removal to New York, 9;
in Canandaigua Academy, 9-10;
studies law, 11;
goes west, 11-13;
reaches Jacksonville, Illinois, 14;
teaches school, 16-17;
admitted to bar, 17.
_Beginnings in Politics_:
first public speech, 20-21;
elected State's attorney, 22;
first indictments, 23-24;
defends Caucus system, 26-27;
candidate for Legislature, 27-29;
in Legislature, 29-34;
Register of Land Office, 35-36;
nominated for Congress (1837), 40-41;
campaign against Stuart, 42-44;
resumes law practice, 45;
chairman of State committee, 47-50;
Secretary of State, 53;
appointed judge, 56-57;
visits Mormons, 58;
on the Bench, 63-64;
candidate for Senate, 62;
nominated for Congress, 65;
elected, 67.
_Congressman_:
defends Jackson, 69-72;
reports on Election Law, 73-76;
plea for Internal Improvements, 77-78;
on Polk, 80;
meets Jackson, 81-82;
re-elected (1844), 83;
advocates annexation of Texas, 85-90;
and the Mormons, 91-92;
proposes Oregon bills, 95;
urges "re-occupation of Oregon," 96-98;
supports Polk's policy, 99;
appointed chairman of Committee on Territories, 99;
offers bill on Oregon, 101;
opposes compromise and arbitration, 101-103;
renominated for Congress, 103;
and the President, 104-106;
proposes organization of Oregon, 106;
advocates admission of Florida, 107;
defends Mexican War, 109-110;
claims Rio Grande as boundary, 111-114;
seeks military appointment, 114-115;
re-elected (1846), 115;
defends Polk's war policy, 116-117;
elected Senator (1847), 117-118.
_United States Senator_:
appointed chairman of Committee on Territories, 119;
on Ten Regiments bill, 120-122;
on Abolitionism, 124-126;
second attempt to organize Oregon, 129;
favors Clayton Compromise, 130;
proposes extension of Missouri Compromise line, 131;
offers California statehood bills, 134-137;
advocates "squatter sovereignty," 138-139;
presents resolutions of Illinois Legislature, 140;
marriage, 147;
denies ownership of slaves, 149-150;
removes to Chicago, 169;
advocates central railroad, 169-172;
speech on California (1850), 177 ff.;
concerts territorial bills with Toombs and Stephens, 181-182;
vote on compromise measures, 187-188;
defends Fugitive Slave Law, 191-194;
presidential aspirations, 195-196;
on intervention in Hungary, 199-200;
candidacy (1852), 200-206;
in campaign of 1852, 207;
re-elected Senator, 208 _n._;
death of his wife, 208;
on Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 211-214;
hostility to Great Britain, 215-216;
travels abroad, 217-219;
proposes military colonization of Nebraska, 221;
urges organization of Nebraska, 224-225;
report of January 4, 1854, 229 ff.;
offers substitute for Dodge bill, 231-232;
interprets new bill, 233-234;
and Dixon, 235-236;
drafts Kansas-Nebraska bill, 237;
secures support of administration, 237-238;
reports bill, 239;
arraigned by Independent Democrats, 241;
replies to "Appeal," 241-243;
proposes amendments to Kansas-Nebraska bill, 246, 249;
closes debate, 251-254;
answers protests, 256-257;
faces mob in Chicago, 258-259;
denounces Know-Nothings, 263;
in campaign of 1854, 264 ff.;
debate with Lincoln, 265-266;
and Shields, 267, 268;
on the elections, 269-272;
and Wade, 272-273;
on "Black Republicanism," 275-276;
candidacy at Cincinnati, 276-278;
supports Buchanan, 278;
reports on Kansas, 289-293;
proposes admission of Kansas, 293;
replies to Trumbull, 294;
and Sumner, 296-298;
reports Toombs bill, 300-301;
omits referendum provision, 302;
subsequent defense, 303-304;
in campaign of 1856, 304-306;
second marriage, 316;
on Dred Scott decision, 321-323;
interview with Walker, 325;
and Buchanan, 327-328;
denounces Lecompton constitution, 329-332;
report on Kansas, 338-340;
speech on Lecomptonism, 341-343;
rejects English bill, 345-347;
Republican ally, 348;
re-election opposed, 349-350;
in Chicago, 352-354;
opening speech of campaign, 354-357;
speech at Bloomington, 358-360;
speech at Springfield, 360-361;
agrees to joint debate, 362;
first debate at Ottawa, 363-370;
Springfield resolutions, 370;
Freeport debate, 370-375;
debate at Jonesboro, 375-378;
debate at Charleston, 378-381;
friends and foes, 381-382;
resources, 382-383;
debate at Galesburg, 383-386;
debate at Quincy, 386-388;
debate at Alton, 388-390;
the election, 391-392;
journey to South and Cuba, 393-395;
deposed from chairmanship of Committee on Territories, 395;
supports Slidell project, 396;
debate of February 23, 1859, 397 ff.;
opposes slave-trade, 403-404;
_Harper's Magazine_ article, 405-409;
controversy with Black, 409-410;
in Ohio, 410-411;
presidential candidate of Northwest, 413, 416;
and the South, 414;
and Republicans, 414-415;
candidate at Charleston, 416 ff.;
defends his orthodoxy, 422-424;
nominated at Baltimore, 427;
letter of acceptance, 428;
personal canvass, 429-439;
on election of Lincoln, 439 ff.;
and Crittenden compromise, 446-448;
speech of January 3, 1861, 449 ff.;
efforts for peace, 448, 452, 453;
offers fugitive slave bill, 454;
and Mason, 454-455;
and Wigfall, 455-456;
fears the Blairs, 461;
opinion of President-elect, 461;
and Lincoln, 462-463;
at inauguration, 464;
and the inaugural, 466-468;
on reinforcement of Sumter, 468-469;
in the confidence of Lincoln, 469-470;
on policy of administration, 471-473;
faces war, 474;
closeted with Lincoln, April 14, 475-477;
press dispatch, 477;
first War Democrat, 478;
mission in Northwest, 478-480;
speech at Bellaire, 480-482;
speech at Columbus, 482-483;
speech at Springfield, 483-485;
speech at Chicago, 485-487;
premonitions of war, 487-488;
last illness and death, 488-489.
_Personal traits_:
Physical appearance, 22-23, 69, 294-295, 364-365;
limitations upon his culture, 36-37, 119-120, 215-217, 270-272;
his indebtedness to Southern associations, 147-148, 317-318;
advocate rather than judge, 70-71, 121-122, 177-181, 270-272, 321;
liberal in religion, 263, 317;
retentive memory, 319-320;
his impulsiveness, 320;
his generosity of temper, 320;
his loyalty to friends, 267-268, 318-319;
his prodigality in pecuniary matters, 309-310;
his domestic relations, 317;
the man and the politician, 270-272.
_As a party leader_:
early interest in politics, 8, 10;
schooling in politics, 18-19;
his talent as organizer, 25 ff.; 39 ff., 47-50;
secret of his popularity, 318-319;
his partisanship, 324.
_As a statesman_:
readiness in debate, 320;
early manner of speaking, 70 ff.;
later manner, 251-252, 294-297;
insight into value of the public domain, 36, 311-312;
belief in territorial expansion, 100, 107-108;
his Chauvinism, 87-88, 97-98, 101-103, 199, 211-214;
his statecraft, 100, 107-108, 174-181, 270-272, 314-315;
abhorrence of civil war, 449-451, 484-487;
love of the Union, 324, 436-437, 481, 484, 489.

Douglass, Benajah, grandfather of Stephen A. Douglas, 4-5.

Douglass, Sally Fisk, mother of Stephen A. Douglas, 5.

Douglass, Stephen A., father of Stephen A. Douglas, 5.

Douglass, William, ancestor of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.

Dred Scott decision, Douglas on, 321-323, 356, 359-360, 372-373, 377;
Lincoln on, 353, 357, 361, 376-377.

Duncan, Joseph, 50, 60.

Election Law of 1842, 73;
Douglas on, 74-75.

Elections, State and local, 22, 29, 50, 61, 158-159, 267;
congressional, 44, 67, 73-76, 83, 115-116, 207, 267;
senatorial, 62, 117, 207, 208 _n._, 268-269, 391-392;
presidential, 50, 306, 440-441.

English bill, reported, 343;
opposed by Douglas, 345-346;
passed, 347.

Everett, Edward, 256, 429.

Fessenden, William P., 473-474.

Field, Alexander P., 52.

Fillmore, Millard, 280.

Fitch, Graham N., 335, 336.

Fitzpatrick, Benjamin, 428.

Foote, Henry S., on Abolitionism, 124-125;
and Douglas, 126;
offers finality resolution, 197.

Ford, Thomas, 61, 90, 154.

Forney, John W., 305, 437;
on Douglas and Lincoln, 480.

Fort Pickens, question of evacuating, 468 ff.

Fort Sumter, occupation advised, 442;
occupied, 451;
abortive attempt to reinforce, 452;
question of evacuating, 468 ff.;
attack upon, 474;
capitulation of, 475.

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